scholarly journals Knowledge Building in an Aboriginal Context

Author(s):  
Alexander McAuley

Abstract The report on the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996), the Kelowna Accord announced in 2005 (five-billion dollars) followed by its demise in 2006, and the settlement in 2006 for Aboriginal survivors of residential schools (1.9 billion dollars), are but some of the recent high-profile indicators of the challenges to Canada in dealing with the 500-year history of European contact with North America’s original inhabitants. While not without its challenges, the creation of Nunavut in 1999 stands apart from this history as a landmark for Inuit self-determination in Canada and a beacon of hope for other Aboriginal peoples. Building on the idea that educational change takes place within the intersecting socio-cultural contexts of the school and the larger world around it, and drawing on data from an eight-year series of design experiments in classrooms in the Baffin (now Qikiqtani) region of Nunavut, this paper explores the potential of knowledge building and knowledge-building technologies to support powerful bilingual (Inuktitut/English) and bicultural learning experiences for Aboriginal students. Résumé : Le rapport de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones (1996), l’Accord de Kelowna annoncé en 2005 (cinq milliards de dollars), suivi de son annulation en 2006, de même que le règlement de 2006 visant à indemniser les victimes de sévices infligés dans les pensionnats indiens (1,9 milliard de dollars), ne sont que quelques-uns des événements marquants récents qui témoignent des défis que le Canada doit relever en ce qui a trait à son histoire de 500 ans de contact entre les Européens et les Premières nations d’Amérique du Nord. Bien qu’elle ait comporté sa part de défis, la création du Nunavut en 1999 se démarque dans le cours de l’histoire en tant que point de repère pour l’autodétermination des Inuits au Canada et représente une lueur d’espoir pour les autres nations autochtones. S’appuyant sur l’idée que le changement en éducation se produit à l’intersection des contextes socioculturels de l’école et du monde qui l’entoure ainsi que sur des données provenant d’une série d’expériences de conception réalisées sur une période de huit ans dans les classes de la région de Baffin (maintenant Qikiqtani) au Nunavut, le présent article explore le potentiel de coélaboration des connaissances de même que les technologies de coélaboration de connaissances qui peuvent venir appuyer les fortes expériences d’apprentissage bilingues (inuktitut/anglais) et biculturelles des élèves autochtones.

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valda Blundell

Abstract: After presenting one history of North American powwows as sites where aesthetic forms are deployed to transform meanings about aboriginal peoples, an analysis is offered of the powwow produced by the Kahnawake Mohawk a year after their involvement in the Oka crisis. Résumé: Cet article présente d'abord une histoire des powwows nord-américains comme lieux de déploiement de formes esthétiques qui modifient le sens et la signification des peuples autochtones. L'article analyse ensuite le powwow des Mohawks de Kahnawake qui a eu lieu un an après la crise d'Oka.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-976
Author(s):  
Heidi Libesman

Abstract. The focus of this article is the theory of integration advanced by Alan Cairns in his book, Citizens Plus: Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian State. Cairns' theory has had a mixed reception since its publication. Like much scholarship and public policy in the Aboriginal rights field, Citizens Plus has attracted strong proponents and opponents. At present Citizens Plus remains one of the primary competitors vying for influence in guiding the postcolonial reconfiguration of the relationship between Aboriginal peoples, the Canadian state and civil society on terms of justice that may be perceived as legitimate by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples. The prime alternative, as conceived by both Cairns and his critics, is the nation-to-nation constitutional vision of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. The author provides a political theoretical reading of Citizens Plus. She seeks to disclose the normative and conceptual structure of Cairns' argument and to situate Cairns' theory in the context of debates concerning the future of Aboriginal peoples and the constitution of Canada. This reading foregrounds an alternative interpretation of the relationship between Citizens Plus and the constitutional vision of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, which makes it possible to see them as complementary rather than opposed constitutional visions. The author also raises broader questions concerning the reasons for continuing the search, at the heart of Cairns' work, for a post-colonial theory and praxis of normative integration in diverse societies, and the conditions of the possibility of such a theory and praxis. Ultimately the author argues that whether one agrees or disagrees with Cairns' prescription, at a minimum Citizens Plus should be understood as raising a fundamental question to which multinational constitutional theory must respond.Résumé. Le présent article a pour objet d'examiner la théorie avancée par Alan Cairns dans son ouvrage, Citizens Plus : Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. Cette théorie est loin de faire l'unanimité; comme beaucoup d'autres ouvrages ou initiatives dans le domaine des droits autochtones, Citizens Plus a ses partisans et ses détracteurs. À l'heure actuelle, Citizens Plus demeure l'une des principales approches possibles de la redéfinition postcoloniale des relations entre les peuples autochtones et l'État et la société civile canadiens sur le fondement de conditions justes dont la légitimité est susceptible d'être reconnue autant par les peuples autochtones que par les non-autochtones. La vision de relations de nation à nation, telle qu'exprimée par la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones, est, selon Cairns ainsi que ses détracteurs, la principale alternative à Citizens Plus. Dans le présent article, l'auteure interprète Citizens Plus dans une optique de théorie politique. Elle cherche à faire ressortir la structure normative et conceptuelle de l'argument de Cairns et à situer la théorie de Cairns dans le contexte des débats concernant l'avenir des peuples autochtones et de la constitution canadienne. L'auteure veut ainsi attirer l'attention sur une autre interprétation possible de la relation entre Citizens Plus et la vision de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones. Selon cette interprétation, il s'agit de visions complémentaires plutôt que contradictoires. L'auteure soulève également des questions plus générales, concernant les raisons de poursuivre la recherche d'une théorie et d'une praxie d'intégration normative au sein de sociétés empreintes de diversité, ainsi que les conditions de la possibilité d'une telle théorie et d'une telle praxie. Cette recherche est, par ailleurs, au cœur de l'œuvre de Cairns. En dernière analyse, l'auteure soutient que, peu importe que l'on souscrive ou non à ce que Cairns propose, Citizens Plus soulève, à tout le moins, une question fondamentale à laquelle la théorie constitutionnelle multinationale doit répondre.


Author(s):  
Sabrina Peressini

Many interrelated factors affect the formation of Metis identity including cultural, historical, socio-economic, and political processes (Dunn n.d.). Giraud's work Le Metis canadien: son role dans I'histoire des provinces de I'Ouest, published in 1945, was the first comprehensive scholarly history of the Metis people of western Canada. Eurocentric sentiments influenced the early studies of Metis identity and often assessed Metis social evolution with reference to European societies (Miller 1985). This paper examines Metis identity from the eighteenth century, when the Great Lakes Metis were described as a "people in the process of becoming" (Peterson 1985), to more recently, as the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples brings Aboriginal views into perspective, and emphasizes the importance of culture as a defining aspect of a community. The human processes associated with the formation and recognition of Metis identity are dynamic and unique to each community. The literature demonstrates that Metis identity has usually been defined and assigned by non-Metis people and agencies. Originally serving to identify French speaking, mixed descent individuals of the Red River Settlement, this term has evolved to define the descendants of Metis parents residing in very diverse communities throughout Canada today.


Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Kristopher Statnyk

Aboriginal self-government is a reoccurring issue in Canadian politics. The basis for this issue can be found in the history of colonization of the Aboriginal peoples by the Canadian nation-state. The legitimacy of the claims to Aboriginal self-government are derived from the fact that the Aboriginals were the first peoples of pre-colonization Canada and were alienated from the formation of the state and its Constitution. Since the institutional recognition of an Aboriginal inherent right to self-government by the 1982 Constitution Act, the Chrétien government in 1995, and the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, the discourse on what model of Aboriginal self-government to adopt has developed into a highly contested topic with several proposals and objections (Abele and Prince 576-577). I will explore the possible models of self-government, the applicability of these models, as well as their legitimacy [...]


Author(s):  
Lindsay Moore

Is there a distinctly ‘Canadian’ anthropological tradition? This paper reviews recent literature that addresses this question, tracing two major threads in the history of anthropological research in Canada: the prominence of themes of aboriginality in the Canadian anthropological context dating back to early Americanist projects associated with Franz Boas; and the development of applied anthropological practice in Canada as a kind of subfield specializing in the documentation and mediation of Aboriginal-state relations. These facets provide context for the works of Regna Darnell, Michael Asch, David Howes, and others who specifically address the ‘Canadian anthropology’ question. Common to their arguments is attention to the relationship between public and scholarly attitudes indicative of an unassuming ‘Canadianness,’ and state codifications of a “bicentric” (Howes 2006) national identity in initiatives such as the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Whether and how these state-sanctioned productions speak to widely held public attitudes becomes central in conceptualizations of a reflexive Canadian anthropology both distinct and valuable for theoretical insights it offers the wider discipline. Paradoxically, in these works we find Canadian anthropology’s strength is in its inherent tendency to evade any such hard and fast classification.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-146
Author(s):  
Anah-Jayne Markland

The ignorance of many Canadians regarding residential schools and their traumatic legacy is emphasised in the reports of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a foundational obstacle to achieving reconciliation. Many of the TRC's calls to action involve education that dispels and corrects this ignorance, and the commission demands ‘age-appropriate curriculum on residential schools, Treaties, and Aboriginal peoples' historical and contemporary contributions to Canada’ to be made ‘a mandatory education requirement for Kindergarten to Grade Twelve students’ (Calls to Action 62.i). How to incorporate the history of residential schools in kindergarten and early elementary curricula has been much discussed, and one tool gaining traction is Indigenous-authored picturebooks about Canadian residential schools. This article conducts a close reading of Margaret Pokiak-Fenton and Christy Jordan-Fenton's picturebook When I Was Eight (2013). The picturebook gathers Indigenous and settler children together to contest master settler narratives regarding the history of residential schools. Using Gerald Vizenor's concept of ‘survivance’ and Dominick LaCapra's notion of ‘empathic unsettlement’, the article argues that picturebooks work to unsettle young readers empathetically as part of restorying settler myths about residential schools and implicating young readers in the work of reconciliation.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 463-492
Author(s):  
John Armour

Economic analysis has recently gained a high profile in English company law scholarship, not least through its employment by the Law Commissions and its resonance with the Company Law Review. This approach has taught us much about how company law functions in relation to the marketplace. Whincop’s book is, however, the first attempt to use economic methodology not only to explain how the law functions, but also to provide an evolutionary account of why the history of English company law followed the path it did. The result is a thesis that, whilst complex, has a powerful intuitive appeal for those familiar with Victorian company law judgments.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri

Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.


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