To Provide Strategic Stability and Form a Just World Order

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (002) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Vladimir Putin
2001 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Claudia Drummond
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (4/2020) ◽  
pp. 123-149
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on measures for further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms (“New START”) is the last pillar of the arms control regime on which the end of the Cold War and the new world order rested. Its expiration on 5 February 2021 is a top security challenge and indicates a possible new strategic arms race. However, can the United States and Russia still preserve the existing strategic arms control by extending the Treaty for another five years? What are the prospects, the opportunities and obstacles for this extension? What are the most pressing issues USA and Russia face with in order to preserve strategic arms control and are they willing to do so? In order to answer to these research questions author analyses several key issues that are of paramount importance for extension of the New START: nuclear modernization processes, invention of new weapons and emergence of new warfare domains; transparency and verification and broader confidence building measures; missile defence and prompt global strike; tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and Asia; general US-Russia relations which include question of democratic capacity; and broader influence of this Treaty on nuclear non-proliferation regime. By using content and discourse analysis author concludes that, although it is obvious that the extension of the New START would be primarily in favour of Russia and that the USA has not much to gain, the character of strategic stability in the Third Nuclear Age gives reasons to believe that the New START will be extended for another five years.


1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Mohamed Sid-Ahmed

This essay explores the crisis of global interdependence that has arisen from competing North-South perceptions of interdependence and from inequitable relations among Third World and industrialized states of the North. Illustrating the general features of the crisis through a case study of the Middle East, the author argues that techniques of economic, political and cultural cooptation have been used by the West to foster a form of interdependence that is of primary benefit to wealthier segments of the global community. To the degree that some Third World states (notably Egypt) now identify with the West, this strategy has been successful. However, the costs to world order are considerable. As they become more integrated into Western-dominated networks of “interdependence,” Third World states face intensifying social contradictions that cannot be resolved through socialist or other noncapitalist strategies. Redress of these problems requires a new legal category of ownership – internationalized property – under which corporate capital, power, and productive capacity would be transferred from the predominant domain of the North to a commonwealth of world states. This basis for world authority would avoid the side– and counter-effects associated with world government and would provide the foundation for a more just world order.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Ratner

Academic discourse on global justice is at an all-time high. Within ethics and international law, scholars are undertaking new inquiries into age-old questions of building a just world order. Ethics – within political and moral philosophy – poses fundamental questions about responsibilities at the global level and produces a tightly reasoned set of frameworks regarding world order. International law, with its focus on legal norms and institutional arrangements, provides a path, as well as illuminates the obstacles, to implementing theories of the right or of the good. Yet despite the complementarity of these two projects, neither is drawing what it should from the other. The result is ethical scholarship that often avoids, or even misinterprets, the law; and law that marginalizes ethics even as it recognizes the importance of justice. The cost of this avoidance is a set of missed opportunities for both fields. This article seeks to help transform the limited dialogue between philosophers and international lawyers into a meaningful collaboration. Through a critical stocktaking of the contributions of the two disciplines, examining where they do and do not engage with the other, it offers an appraisal of the causes and costs of separation and an argument for an interdisciplinary approach.


1982 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 460
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Richard Falk ◽  
Samuel S. Kim ◽  
Saul H. Mendlovitz
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-87
Author(s):  
K. E. Kozhukhova

Growing complexity of the modern world order calls for the search for strategic stability in order to prevent a new global military clash. In view of recent political events, Russia and China have strengthened their cooperation, creating a strategic stability dyad in contrast to the United States and other Western countries. However, the strategic stability of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is not fully beneficial for Russia due to the peculiarity of the Chinese strategic culture, which is cinocentric. The absence of Russian strategic culture eliminates the equality of the two countries and pushes Russia to submit and mimic China. The author offers her vision of balancing the two forces. The first is the legal basis, which is to update the bilateral agreement between Russia and China with an effort to strengthen the positions and advantages of the Russian side. The second is the development of Russian strategic thinking and, as a result, the emergence of national strategic culture that will contribute to the formation of an adequate foreign policy course of the Russian Federation in the new world stability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Alia K. Nardini

<em>While U.S. immigration entry policies after 1953 became a hallmark of ideological openness, designating the United States as the unquestioned leader of a freer and more just world order, Donald Trump’s current immigration strategies isolate America, damage her economy, and fuel divisive feelings among citizens. This paper hopes to persuade the Republican Party not to revert to its pre-1953 restrictionist and nativist stance, thereby undoing the crucial work undertaken by the Eisenhower Administration. The author argues that a sound grasp of the debate that led to the approval of the Refugee Relief Act in 1953 can lead to better informed political decision-making, tracing a new phase of America’s active presence on the world stage, in line with the country’s national interest and Cold war tradition.</em>


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