On Interdependence

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Mohamed Sid-Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
Just World ◽  
The West ◽  
World Government ◽  
Corporate Capital ◽  
The North

This essay explores the crisis of global interdependence that has arisen from competing North-South perceptions of interdependence and from inequitable relations among Third World and industrialized states of the North. Illustrating the general features of the crisis through a case study of the Middle East, the author argues that techniques of economic, political and cultural cooptation have been used by the West to foster a form of interdependence that is of primary benefit to wealthier segments of the global community. To the degree that some Third World states (notably Egypt) now identify with the West, this strategy has been successful. However, the costs to world order are considerable. As they become more integrated into Western-dominated networks of “interdependence,” Third World states face intensifying social contradictions that cannot be resolved through socialist or other noncapitalist strategies. Redress of these problems requires a new legal category of ownership – internationalized property – under which corporate capital, power, and productive capacity would be transferred from the predominant domain of the North to a commonwealth of world states. This basis for world authority would avoid the side– and counter-effects associated with world government and would provide the foundation for a more just world order.

US and Russian policies and strategies in the Middle East: Iraq and Syria as a model

2019 ◽  
pp. 220
Author(s):  
Esraa Aladdin Noori ◽  
Nasser Zain AlAbidine Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Western World ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
East Region ◽  
Middle East Region

The Russian-American relations have undergone many stages of conflict and competition over cooperation that have left their mark on the international balance of power in the Middle East. The Iraqi and Syrian crises are a detailed development in the Middle East region. The Middle East region has allowed some regional and international conflicts to intensify, with the expansion of the geopolitical circle, which, if applied strategically to the Middle East region, covers the area between Afghanistan and East Asia, From the north to the Maghreb to the west and to the Sudan and the Greater Sahara to the south, its strategic importance will seem clear. It is the main lifeline of the Western world.

The use of high-resolution stratigraphy and derived lithoclasts to document structural inversion; a case study from the Paleogene, Isle of Wight, U.K.

2021 ◽  
pp. jgs2020-156
Author(s):  
Andy Gale
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
North West ◽  
Geologic Time ◽  
Northern Limb ◽  
The North ◽  
Basement Faults ◽  
Structural Inversion ◽  
Geologic Time Scale ◽  
Radiometric Ages

The effects of structural inversion, generated by the Pyrenean Orogeny on the southerly bounding faults of the Hampshire Basin (Needles and Sandown Faults) on Eocene sedimentation in the adjacent regions were studied in outcrops by sedimentary logging, dip records and the identification of lithoclasts reworked from the crests of anticlines generated during inversion. The duration and precise age of hiatuses associated with inversion was identified using bio- and magnetostratigraphy, in comparison with the Geologic Time Scale 2020. The succession on the northern limb of the Sandown Anticline (Whitecliff Bay) includes five hiatuses of varying durations which together formed a progressive unconformity developed during the Lutetian to Priabonian interval (35-47Ma). Syn-inversion deposits thicken southwards towards the southern margin of the Hampshire Basin and are erosionally truncated by unconformities. The effects of each pulse of inversion are recorded by successively shallower dips and the age and nature of clasts reworked from the crest of the Sandown Anticline. Most individual hiatuses are interpreted as minor unconformities developed subsequent to inversion, rather than eustatically-generated sequence boundaries:transgressive surfaces. In contrast, the succession north of the Needles Fault (Alum Bay) does not contain hiatuses of magnitude or internal unconformities. In the north-west of the island, subsidiary anticlinal and synclinal structures developed in response to Eocene inversion events by the reactivation of minor basement faults. The new dates of the Eocene inversion events correspond closely with radiometric ages derived from fracture vein-fill calcites in Dorset, to the west (36-48Ma).

scholarly journals Development of Heritage Places under Unesco Guidelines Case Study: Al Maliha Neighbourhood in Riyadh City

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Hind Abdel Moneim Khogali
Keyword(s):  
Arabian Peninsula ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Urban Center ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Kingdom Of Saudi Arabia ◽  
Riyadh City ◽  
The North ◽  
Heritage Area

Riyadh, capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, is the largest city in the Kingdom. It is also the capital of Riyadh Province, and is located in the historical regions of Najd and Al-Yamama and in the center of the Arabian Peninsula, on a vast plateau. Densely populated, with over 5.7 million people, it is the urban center of a region with about 7.3 million people. It consists of 15 municipal districts under the management of Riyadh Municipality, headed by the mayor of Riyadh, and the Riyadh Development Authority, chaired by the Governor of Riyadh Province.This research aims at dealing with the development of Al Maliha Neighborhood, as a case study of development of heritage places.Al Maliha neighbourhood is located in the center of Riyadh, bounded on the north by AL Jomla Suq and market, in the south by Al Salam garden, in the west by King Fahad Street and in the east by warehouses and a school from the south. There are also old heritage houses in the southeast of the area. The proposed project will develop the old heritage area, re-use it as a Heritage Museum, and demolish the warehouses to establish new galley rooms and Heritage research center.The research methodology will follow the UNESCO regulations and guidelines followed for conservation of heritage places. It will also adopt Riyadh Municipality, and the Riyadh Development Authority regulations for the development of heritage places. The project is proposed for architectural students at level four in Dar Al Uloom University, to be completed within four months and presented for Prince Sultan Award 2006 for Heritage.The aim of the research is to follow the KSA strategy in protecting and maintaining historical places like Al Daraya, old palaces and old mosques. The project will give a proposal study in managing and developing heritage places, by following the UNESCO guideline for heritage places and Riyadh Municipality regulations.The research outlines conclusions and recommendations to decision makers, for application in the development of Al Maliha neighbourhood applied in developing Al Maliha neighbourhood

scholarly journals Masculinity, Homosexuality and the Defence of Islam: A Case Study of Yusuf al-Qaradawi’s Media Fatwa

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-279
Author(s):  
Scott Kugle ◽  
Stephen Hunt
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
The West ◽  
Religious Texts ◽  
Talk Show ◽  
Tv Talk Show ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This paper analyses how Islamic Neo-traditionalists perceive gender constructs through a distorted view of religious texts and cultural conventions. It explores the ramifications of these constructs for attitudes towards same-sex orientations and relationships. These themes are discussed with reference to a case study of a TV talk show on 5 June 2006 by one conservative scholar-activist, Shaykh Yusuf al-Qaradawi, whose teachings have an impact in the Middle-East and on Muslim minorities in the West. The paper will demonstrate how al-Qaradawi articulates his views of homophobia as part of an agenda to reinforce perceived threats to Muslim masculinity.

The Quest for a New Relationship in the World of Oil

1980 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-515
Author(s):  
Nitin Khot
Keyword(s):  
International Economic ◽  
World Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
The North ◽  
Daunting Task ◽  
The Status ◽  
Economic Tools ◽  
Political Weapon

The developments in the oil world in the last decade, by altering the very pattern and tenor of international economic development, may well mark a turning point in history. The consequences of the actions of a handful of oil producers, who chose to consciously intervene in the ongoing historical process, promise to be both profound and long-term. In the course of their struggle for an existence of dignity based on more equitable transactions of international economic power, the oil producers discovered the real economic relations that characterize the oil world. They saw, too, an unbroken continuity in the oil policy of the Western industrialized countries. It is the same policy which caused the denudation of their only resource, oil, and which is now casting a dark shadow over the North-South relations. The author argues that the West had fashioned a potent political weapon in the economics of oil; the flow of oil had been harnessed to promote political causes. After this weapon changed hands in 1973, the strategy of the West appears to be to use a variety of economic tools, such as currency depreciation and international inflation, to restore the status quo ante. The paper also endeavours to show (a) the lack of any sincere interest on the part of the West in the development of the oil-producing countries; and (b) the potentially serious consequences of unscrupulous Western speculation in this vital commodity and of an irrationally reckless exploitation of oil fields under the control of foreign oil companies. In an examination of the West's all-too-obvious faith in the efficacy of politics of confrontation, and of its demonstrated obduracy in defence of a life-style generated by possibly the most energy-intensive economic machinery ever, the paper throws into sharp relief the daunting task that architects of an alternative world order face.

Separate, Unequal, but More Autonomous: Technology, Equity and World Order in the Millennial Transition

1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-407
Author(s):  
Ward Morehouse
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The South ◽  
Problem Solving Skills ◽  
The Third ◽  
Life Styles ◽  
The North ◽  
Energy Environment ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Third World

On the threshold of the millennial transition of the next 20–40 years, the human community is confronted with four alliterative crises which will reach a crescendo in the 1980s: energy, environment, employment, and equity. Breakdowns in capital- and energy-intensive systems are increasingly likely in the industrially advanced countries of the North and in the so-called modern sectors of Third World economies. As pressure on non-renewable resources and the environment grows, more and more effort is being made through organized R&D in the North to find technological solutions or fixes to these problems. The revolutionary advances occurring in micro-electronics and biotechnology can have dramatic impact on life-styles in the North and South, and on the global political economy. The key issues of the millennial transition, however, will not be technological but economic and political, revolving around the question of control over these technological innovations. Greater economic, political and technological integration of the world will draw the periphery nations of the Third World more tightly into a web of continuing dependence; and therefore selective disengagement of the South from the North emerges as a ‘lesser evil’ transitional strategy, while the South seeks to strengthen its own local problem-solving skills to grapple with the alliterative crises of the 1980s. In this effort, the South must use more extensively its own existing survival technology - indigenously based knowledge and skills which most people in the Third World live by today - in judicious combination with new advanced technologies from the North, if it can exercise reasonable control over the acquisition and utilization of those technologies.

scholarly journals Identity through foreign policy: Russia and China in the Middle East

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexander Slocombe
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International System ◽  
World Order ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Social Constructions ◽  
The West ◽  
Identity Constructions

<p>Understanding national identity through foreign policy provides a strong means of ascertaining the prevailing social constructions within a great power nation state. There is a growing need to understand the national identities of Russia and China without pre-theorising or depending on asymmetric comparative studies with regional states. China and Russia are frequently compared to their regional neighbours which undermines understanding their unique identities. There are also frequent misunderstandings of contemporary Chinese and Russian national motives, often likening the modern Russian state to the Soviet Union, or attempting to understand China as a challenger to US unipolarity. Both great powers exhibit common characteristics of authoritarianism, both have recently endured massive social and national changes, and both have global interests that manifest in the Middle East such as securing vital geostrategic resources, both states are conscious of their native Muslim populations and to be recognised as a great power identity both must demonstrate influence in the Middle East. Yet, there have been significant differences in agendas and outcomes of their foreign policy decisions. This thesis seeks to use a constructivist framework to discern Russian and Chinese identity through comparison of their respective foreign policy. Contrary to “neo-realist” and “neo-liberal” arguments that accept state interests as rational, determined by the international system, and not determined by identity, this thesis seeks not to pre-theorise but to identify how their respective actions towards three key case studies in the Middle East; the Syrian Civil Conflict, the Iranian Nuclear Framework, and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, indicate their prevailing social constructions. This thesis compares Russian and Chinese attitudes and actions towards these cases. Despite their similar disposition and principles towards international relations these two nations had significant points of difference. Drawing upon foreign policy analysis and a comparative model this thesis finds that despite the commonalities between the Russian and Chinese nations, Russian identity as great power, unique Eurasian power, and an alternative to the West, ensures a defiance of its relatively weak economic position to engage in positions of leadership in the Middle East, whilst China’s identity constructions that are common with Russia, its great power, civilisational, and alternative to the West constructions manifest despite an increasingly influential and material position in the world order, has provided little incentive to engage in meaningful ways throughout the Middle East’s recent conflicts.</p>

The changing Israeli strategic equation: Toward a security regime

1995 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Efraim Inbar ◽  
Shmuel Sandler
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Time Zone ◽  
The West ◽  
Security Community ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Security Regime ◽  
Political Time ◽  
Inter State

Israel is situated in the Middle East, which is not a zone of peace but rather of turmoil. In contrast to the West where peace has become the norm, the Middle East exists in a different socio-political time zone. It is war-prone and the use of force still evokes remarkable popular support. The Middle East, similar to other Third World regions, displays a greater propensity for intra- and inter-state conflict as compared to the environments of the developed states. Therefore, the Middle East is not about to be transformed into what Karl Deutsch called a ‘security community’, where recourse to arms is not acceptable for the resolution of inter-state conflict.

A Postmodern Reaction to Dependent Modernization: The Social and Historical Roots of Islamic Radicalism

1992 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 15-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haldun Gülalp
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
Politics Of Identity ◽  
The West ◽  
The Social ◽  
Islamic Countries ◽  
Modernization Process ◽  
Modern Era

The recent rise of Islamic Radicalism in the Middle East is generally associated with anti-Western sentiment and interpreted as a continuation of the traditional conflict between Christian and Islamic civilizations. It is thought to reflect a traditionalist opposition to the modernization process which originated in the West and then was introduced to the Islamic countries (for an example of this literature, see Youssef, 1985). But this view cannot explain the historical timing and specificity of the current Islamic political revival. In this paper I suggest that Islamic radicalism is not a traditionalist plea to return to a pre-modern era. Quite the contrary, it is a product of the contradictions of Third World modernization and represents a post-modern reaction to the specific form of modernization experienced by the Islamic Third World. In the Islamic countries, where modernization has been synonymous with westernization, the response to the contradictions of modernization has taken the form of a “politics of identity.”

Third World and World Order

1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-111
Author(s):  
Fouad Ajami
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
World System ◽  
World Order ◽  
Basic Question ◽  
Potential Contribution ◽  
Just World ◽  
The World ◽  
The Rich

The essay explores the potential contribution of Third World nations to a more equitable and just world. It asks a basic question: if such a world does not seem to emerge out of the designs of the rich and powerful, can it emerge out of the policies of the less-privileged members of the world system? Several world-order crises are identified as the yardstick with which we can judge the feasibility of a populist Third World platform that offers alternatives to the designs of the rich and the powerful. The conclusion the author draws is that populism is a useful and promising concept and strategy, but that it cannot be based on the designs and preferences of governmental units and entities.

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