scholarly journals THE POLITICAL WORLDVIEW OF VKONTAKTE COMMUNITIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYZING THE SUBJECTIVE SPACE OF POLITICS IN A NETWORK SOCIETY

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-102
Author(s):  
Irina Samarkina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
World View ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Network Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Type ◽  
Political World ◽  
Network Communities ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Subjective Space

The article presents the results of a theoretical analysis of the political worldview as part of the subjective space of politics in a network society and its empirical verification. The author shows that the integration of phenomenology and the network approach allows researchers to advance their understanding of content and parameters of the political worldview of network communities as part of the subjective space of modern public policy. The analysis of the discourse of network communities makes it possible to identify, describe and analyze the features of their political worldview. The author presents an original methodology, created within the framework of the RFBR research project "Subjective Space of Politics: Opportunities and Challenges of a Network Society", for studying the political world view of network communities and the empirical results obtained with its usage. In particular, the typology of political worldviews existing in network communities is described. It reflects the structural and substantive components of the political worldview in the discourse of network communities: the core of the political worldview (reflecting the ontological level of the political worldview, including images of the Motherland, state, power), political roles, political institutions (the last two clusters reflect the basic level of the political worldview elements), political participation (reflects the instrumental level of the political worldview), socio-political problems). The typology of political worldviews of network communities identified (zero, horizontal, non-political, activity and political world view of active resistance) requires verification in further research. An important result of the empirical analysis is the identification of two political worldview profiles (closed and open) and their connection with the dominant type of participant socio-political activity in network communities. Further study in this direction will improve analytical and predictive tools for research and practical work with network communities.

A POLITICAL PERSON IN COMMUNICATION NETWORKS: THEORETICAL AND APPLIED ASPECTS OF CIVIL PARTICIPATION

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 155-156
Author(s):  
O.G. SHCHENINA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Communication Networks ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Systematic Approach ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Network Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opinion Polls

The purpose of the article is to study the concept of a political person in the context of the anthropo-humanistic turn, which is carried out in social and humanitarian knowledge. The political science perspective of studying a person in the political space of a network society presupposes an analysis of the features of his political participation, political behavior, political activity in the context of a new social reality. The main content of the article is the study of a number of approaches of the concept under consideration in political science and the identification of the main characteristics of a political person in a network society. The author is based on the methods of content analysis, discourse analysis, a systematic approach, the results of opinion polls about the attitude of citizens to politics, their trust in socio-political institutions. The analysis showed that in a network society there are changes in the forms and types of former political practices, the participation of a modern political person in them, where, under the influence of information flows, their consciousness and worldview change. At the same time, in the context of informatization, digitalization, network, humanization of society, the role of a person in the political process will also change.

Politics and Power

Philosophy ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 38 (144) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
P. H. Partridge
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Proper Definition ◽  
Definition Of

In recent years, political scientists have talked a great deal about the proper definition of their subject, and of how the ‘field’ of the political scientist is best distinguished from that of other social scientists. One proposal that is frequently made is that political science might quite properly be defined as the study of power, its forms, its sources, its distribution, its modes of exercise, its effects. The general justification for this proposal is, of course, that political activity itself appears to be connected very intimately with power: it is often said that political activity is a struggle for power; that constitutions and other political institutions are methods of defining and regularising the distribution and the exercise of power, and so on. Since there seems to be some sense in which one can say that, within the wider area of social life, the political field is that which has some special connection with power, it may seem plausible then to suggest that the study of politics focusses upon the study of power.

Zakhar Prilepin, the National Bolshevik Movement and Catachrestic Politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-158
Author(s):  
Tomi Huttunen ◽  
Jussi Lassila
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Public Intellectuals ◽  
Literary Field ◽  
Public Views

This article examines the Russian writer and publicist Zakhar Prilepin, a visible representative of Russiaʼs patriotic currents since 2014, and a well-known activist of the radical oppositional National Bolshevik Party (nbp) since 2006. We argue that Prilepinʼs public views point at particular catachrestic political activism. Catachresis is understood here as a socio-semantic misuse of conventional concepts as well as a practice in which political identifications blur the distinctions defining established political activity. The background for the catachrestic politics, as used in this article, was formed by the 1990s post-Soviet turmoil and by Russiaʼs weak socio-political institutions, which facilitate and sustain the space for the self-purposeful radicalism and non-conformism – the trademarks of nbp. Prilepinʼs and nbpʼs narrated experience of fatherlessness related to the 1990s was compensated by personal networks and cultural idols, which often present mutually conflicting positions. In Pierre Bourdieuʼs terminology, Prilepin and the Nationalist Bolshevik’s case illustrate the strength of the literary field over the civic-political one. Catachrestic politics helps to conceptualize not only Prilepin’s activities but also contributes to the study of the political style of the National Bolshevik Party, Prilepinʼs main political base. As a whole, the paper provides insights into the study of Russiaʼs public intellectuals who have played an important role in Russiaʼs political discussion in the place of of well-established political movements.

Ian Paisley and the Reformed Tradition

1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Abele Mac Iver
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
World View ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
The Reformation

This article examines the religious beliefs underlying the political ideology of Ulster's fundamentalist politician, Ian Paisley. Paisley claims to follow the Reformation tradition in both his theology and political beliefs, and cannot be understood without reference to this tradition. Adopting an apocalyptic world view from Reformation Protestants such as Knox, Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism. This world view shapes Paisley's understanding of politics because he follows Knox in believing that the political community has a covenantal relationship to God requiring complete repudiation of Roman Catholic ‘idolatry’. Paisley invokes the Scottish covenanting tradition as a model for Protestant political activity in Ulster, advocating resistance against any attempt to show political favour to the Roman Catholic Church.

History, the Peasantry, and the Polish Nation in the Thought of Michal Bobrzyński

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pajakowski
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Imagination ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
National Community ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Face

The most important historical works of today are those that take the past of a single nation and state as their subject, for the nation and the state are the highest natural, independently developing organism that humanity has yet achieved.Like most nineteenth-century historians, Michal Bobrzyński directed his research to the study of his nation's past and especially to the development of political institutions. History, for him, served to enhance a sense of nationhood among his readers by deriving lessons from the experience of the national community and providing a basis for present political activity. As a politically engaged historian, Bobrzyński faced serious issues of the need to reorient Polish national identity and to refashion the historical imagination to meet the needs of his people in the face of the political situation in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.

Image of a President: Some Insights into the Political Views of School Children*

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 216-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberta S. Sigel
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Age ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political World ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
Political Figure

The map of the child's political world is slowly beginning to be filled in. The areas best filled in so far are his view of certain government officials (President, judges, policemen, etc.) and his understanding (or lack of understanding) of the operation of specific political institutions (legislatures, parties, etc.). Of all persons in government none is as well known as the President of the United States. Even at an early age children know his name and even his party affiliation. Best documented so far is the nature of the child's affection for the President. Apparently he enjoys the child's deep respect, admiration, loyalty, and even love. Some scholars have gone so far as to imply that he symbolizes nation, leadership, and father all in one. This being the case, it seems imperative that we ask: Is the President merely a symbol of leadership who will be loved irrespective of the political stands he takes, or is he seen as a genuine political figure who stands for specific political principles, legislation, etc.?

Kultura polityczna szlachty województwa połockiego na przełomie XVI–XVII wieku w świetle instrukcji sejmikowych

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 4-36
Author(s):  
Ihar Bortnik
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Special Character ◽  
High Level

The article is devoted to the analysis of the special character of the political culture in Polotsk Voivodship at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The research of these phenomena is based on the instructions for local parliaments (sejmiks) as a source base and provides for a distinction between three aspects: the attitude of the gentry towards the existing political system and its institutions; social and political values and norms of the gentry; the gentry’s response to decisions made by political institutions as well as its requirements and wishes towards the political system. The author has come to the conclusion that the political culture of the Polotsk gentry at the turn of the 16th and 17th century is characterized by high level of political activity.

scholarly journals Komunikasi Politik Muslimat NU dalam Suksesi Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-134
Author(s):  
Alimatul Qibtiyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Effective Communication ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political World ◽  
Positive Meaning ◽  
Communication Approach ◽  
Community Activist

The current political activity of women has become a meaningful conversation. Women have shown their existence as an important part of society that has and gives a positive meaning in the development of state and nation. Similarly, presented by Muslimat NU in Tegal District Election of Tegal District, Muslimat NU appear in front of the real to participate politically so that Pemilukada become an important moment in history as proof of their success. Through a gender approach to the theory of political communication, this article attempts to describe what the NU Muslimat motivates in the succession of the Tegal Regency Election of 2013, then how the political communication is built so that the effort succeeds in achieving its targets, as well as what factors are able to build political communication between them. The method used is interview and observation. The results of this study indicate that Umi Azizah, the elected vice-regent with an effective communication approach and his credibility and capital as a community activist for 20 years can take part in the political world substantially and can win the election with no money politics.

The Cartesian Model and Dependency in Mitterrand's African Policy: the Case of Senegal

Itinerario ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
Terrel D. Hale
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
World View ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
French Government ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Cultural Goals

Senegal's relationship with France from the very beginning was marked by dependency. Economic, political and cultural life in Senegal revolved around the metropole — the highly centralized administrative and political institutions of France located in Paris dominated the Senegalese periphery. But Senegal's dependency was not merely economic or political. French policies towards Senegal primarily aimed at intellectual and cultural goals and were in some cases economic and political liabilities to the metropole. In this respect, the Senegalese case did not correspond to traditional theories of dependency which stress the overall importance of economic interests. Furthermore, the nature of this dependency does not appear to have significantly altered, although the political orientation of the French government has changed greatly since the colonization of Senegal. The character and development of this phenomenon, along with its implications for current French policy, will be considered here in light of the French world view, with particular reference to the Cartesian ideal.

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