The characteristics of game shows broadcast on Polish public television

Babylon Berlin (henceforth BB) premiered in Germany on the pay channel Sky TV in October 2017 and in the United States on the streaming service Netflix in January 2018. It is based on Volker Kutscher's series of crime novels set in late Weimar Republic and early Nazi-era Berlin. At its center are the lives and investigations of the laconic and tormented police detective Gereon Rath and his charismatic and irrepressible assistant Charlotte (Lotte) Ritter. In anticipation of the series premiere on public television, marathon screenings took place in 150 cinemas across Germany, where audience members dressed up in 1920s fashion and enjoyed a Currywurst break. Its viewership in the Federal Republic was topped only by the global fantasy behemoth Game of Thrones. The series is clearly modeled on American series such as Mad Men (2007–2015) and The Wire (2002–2008) as it unfolds a complex web of characters and subplots with loving attention to the history and fashions of the time. Indeed, this collaboration of seasoned directors Tom Tykwer, Achim von Borries, and Henk Handloegten is the most expensive German TV series to date. The fact that BB premiered on pay TV while having been largely produced with public funds drew some ire. German reviewers questioned both the circumstances of its production and its creative ambition. While Der Spiegel called it “a masterpiece,” one much debated blog review went so far as to call it “pure crap,” which neither reflected historical truth nor carried artistic merit. Many critics faulted the series for trading in postcard clichés and creating a 1920s “Berlin Disneyland.” The weekly Die Zeit complained that there was a little too much cute dialect, such as “icke” and “kiek ma,” which made the critic sometimes feel like wiping the dirt makeup off the proletarian faces. (And indeed, one of the numerous intertexts of this series are Heinrich Zille's unflinching depictions of proletarian misery.)

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MOTHER FIGHTS TO RUIN THE TASTE OF POISON

PEDIATRICS ◽

10.1542/peds.84.4.a42 ◽

1989 ◽

Vol 84 (4) ◽

pp. A42-A42

Author(s):

J. F. L.

Keyword(s):

Public Service ◽

Executive Director ◽

The United States ◽

Public Television ◽

Small Children ◽

Nail Polish ◽

Household Products ◽

Promising Area ◽

Poison Prevention ◽

Flavoring Agent

On March 6, a mother in Oregon watched a public television report about British companies that were discouraging children from eating poisonous household products by lacing them with Bitrex, the world's bitterest flavoring agent. The woman, Lynn Tylczak, who has two small children and lives in Albany, 60 miles south of Portland, began a letter-writing campaign that is focusing attention on poison prevention. She may also be speeding Bitrex's journey to supermarket shelves in products like detergents, nail-polish removers, rodenticides and antifreeze. "Mrs. Tylczak has already achieved a certain victory by bringing national attention to this issue," said Linda Golodner, executive director of the National Consumers League in Washington. "She has shown that a single consumer can make a difference." Now she is encouraging manufacturers to add Bitrex to their products by sharing with them letters of support that are sent to her group, the Poison-Proff Project (4384 S.E. Ermine Street, Albany, Ore. 97321). `A Very Promising Area' Consumer and safety organizations in the United States are beginning to notice. On May 5, the National Safety Council, a 13,000-member public-service organization, called on manufacturers to use Bitrex in all appropriate household products. "Bitrex is the most bitter substance known to man," according to the Merck Index. In 1982, some British companies began using Bitrex in household products to deter inquisitive children, but the practice did not grow until two years ago, when the Royal Society for the Prevention of Accidents endorsed its use.

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Związek publicznej obecności Kościoła w Polsce z preferencjami wyborczymi elektoratu w 2011 roku

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica ◽

10.24917/10.24917/20813333.23.6 ◽

1970 ◽

Vol 23 (301) ◽

pp. 72-92

Author(s):

Karolina Dłuska

Keyword(s):

Public Space ◽

Catholic Church ◽

Public Television ◽

The Public ◽

The Subject ◽

The Individual ◽

The Military ◽

Religious Nature ◽

The Relationship ◽

The Catholic Church

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.

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Lee v. Dong-A Ilbo

The American Journal of International Law ◽

10.2307/2202795 ◽

1989 ◽

Vol 83 (1) ◽

pp. 90-94

Author(s):

Sonya D. Winner

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

Korean American ◽

District Court ◽

Public Television ◽

Court Of Appeals ◽

South Korean ◽

Official Report ◽

Foreign Governments ◽

Summary Judgment

In 1985 two intelligence agencies of the South Korean Government announced that they had successfully disrupted a North Korean spy ring operating in the United States. Their press release, which was widely publicized in the Korean press, named Chang-Sin Lee as a North Korean agent associated with a spy ring at Western Illinois University, where Lee had been a student. The story was picked up and reported in the United States by six Korean-American newspapers and a public television station. When Lee sued for libel, the defendants relied upon the official report privilege, which gives absolute protection to the accurate republication of official government reports. The district court, holding that the privilege applied and that Lee had not overcome it by showing malice, dismissed the case. Plaintiff appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, which in a two to one decision reversed (per Ervin, J.) and held: that the official report privilege does not apply to the republication of official reports of foreign governments. Judge Kaufman, sitting by designation, dissented from the majority’s reversal of the district court’s grant of summary judgment.

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In the eye of the beholder? Representations of video surveillance in German public television

Surveillance & Society ◽

10.24908/ss.v4i1/2.3456 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 4 (1/2) ◽

Author(s):

Leon Hempel

Keyword(s):

Media Studies ◽

Decisive Role ◽

Visual Surveillance ◽

Public Acceptance ◽

Public Television ◽

Public Surveillance ◽

Surveillance Technology ◽

Time Periods ◽

Tv Shows ◽

Television Plays

This article is based upon an analysis of the commonalities between CCTV and television. Although this article is not meant to contribute to media studies as a science, it will nonetheless use empirical data from diverse TV shows, time periods and regions to show the decisive role television plays in public acceptance and implementation of public surveillance technology, as well as in the construction of suspicion. Additionally, this article considers the technological similarities of CCTV and television by using TV data as a source of ethnographic material to understand the discriminating nature of visual surveillance technologies.

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Catholic Church and the Italian public television. An enduring relation with an interlude: the Council

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia ◽

10.14746/seg.2015.11.9 ◽

2015 ◽

pp. 179-199

Author(s):

Federico Ruozzi

Keyword(s):

Mass Media ◽

Catholic Church ◽

Public Television ◽

Second Vatican Council ◽

Media Attention ◽

Vatican Council ◽

The Media ◽

The Mass Media ◽

The Church ◽

The Catholic Church

The article presents the entanglement of the Catholic Church and the media by focusing on the case of the Second Vatican Council and the television broadcast of its events. The mass media attention of the council stimulated, according to the author, a double level: the media conveyed more information about the church event than it had ever done before, but at the same time, the mass media influenced the discussion of the council fathers. The article also analyzes, through the lens of the Council, the recent relationship between the Catholic Church and the Italian television.

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Vots al carrer l’1 d’octubre de 2017 a Catalunya: la ‘fake news’ menys aclarida

Tripodos ◽

10.51698/tripodos.2019.44p153-168 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 153-168

Author(s):

Jordi Serrat

Keyword(s):

Media Coverage ◽

Democratic Legitimacy ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Public Television ◽

Fake News ◽

Police Intervention ◽

The Media ◽

Set Up ◽

Legal Sense

Catalunya va viure l’1 d’octubre del 2017 un dels moments informatius més importants de la seva història. El Govern català va habilitar, desobeint el Tribunal Constitucional, 2.243 col∙legis electorals per preguntar als ciutadans si estaven a favor o en contra de la independència de Catalunya. El fet que els principals òrgans dels poders judicial i polític d’Espanya consideressin il∙legal aquest referèndum no va fer desistir els organitzadors. La jornada va estar marcada per la gent que va mobilitzar-se per votar i per l’actuació de la policia espanyola que va intervenir amb força. La recerca analitza com un viral de YouTube, per denunciar irregularitats en la consulta, conté tots els ingredients per considerar-lo la principal fake news d’aquell dia. L’anàlisi es contextualitza amb opinions sobre la cobertura del referèndum de quatre periodistes catalans entrevistats (Crónica Global, El País i Ara). També es confronten els relats de TV3 i TVE, en el Telenotícies i el Telediario. Mentre la televisió catalana va presentar l’1-O de manera èpica, per la resistència popular per salvaguardar uns drets que simbolitzaven les urnes enfront les càrregues policials; la televisió pública espanyola va emfatitzar que va ser una acció il∙legal, sense garanties democràtiques. Votes in the Streets on October 1, 2017 in Catalonia: An Example of Covert Fake News On October 1st, 2017 (1-O), Catalonia experienced one of the most important newsworthy moments in its history. The Catalan government set up 2.243 polling stations to conduct a referendum on Catalonia’s independence, thereby disobeying Spain’s Constitutional Court. Although the main bodies of the Spanish judiciary and political powers considered the referendum illegal, the organizers persisted. The day was marked by people’s mobilizations, which consisted of defending polling stations and protecting voters from police intervention. With this study, we seek to analyse how a YouTube video, which reported irregularities about the referendum and went viral, contains all the ingredients to be considered fake news. The analysis is contextualized with opinions about the media coverage of the referendum by four interviews with Catalan journalists (Crónica Global, El País, Ara). The accounts of TV3 (Televisió de Catalunya) and TVE (Televisión Española), in Telenotícies (TV3’s news) and Telediario(TVE’s news) are also juxtaposed. While the Catalan public television (TV3) presented the 1-O in an epic way, stressing the citizens’ resistance to safeguard the rights as symbolized by the ballot boxes against the Spanish police, the Spanish public television (TVE) emphasised that 1-O was an illegal referendum lacking democratic legitimacy.

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