Het "continentaal model" volgen ? : Implicaties voor het electoraal gedrag van de British National Party

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-226
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Husbands
Keyword(s):  
Political Scientist ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
Limited Success ◽  
District Council ◽  
East End ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Right Wing Extremism ◽  
British National Party

Both in the pre-war and the post-war period right-wing extremism was not very strong in Britain. Historians, political scientist and politicians have suggested a whole range of elements to explain this failure. In the light of this limited success the victory of the British National Party in an election of the Millwall district in the London Bourough of Tower Hamlets was indeed a surprise.  lt raised the question whether this was the beginning of something similar to what happened earlier in France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. The very specific characteristics of the London East End and ofthe Millwall district in particular make the BNP victory however quite exceptional, and do not enable a generalization of the phenomenon. This is supported by the electoral results for the London Borough and District Council of May 5 1994. Yet one can still argue that the specific danger of the BNP is not its electoral potential, but the impact of its local activities on the relations  between the ethnic groups in the neighbourhoods where it is present.

scholarly journals Talkin’ Bout iGeneration: A New Era of Individualistic Social Work Practice?

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1238-1257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Fenton
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Community Education ◽  
Social Work Students ◽  
Work Practice ◽  
Social Work Practice ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
New Era ◽  
Generational Changes ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Impact

Abstract This article considers the impact of generational changes on the new cohort of social work students most of whom were born post-1995, and therefore belong to ‘iGeneration’ (iGen). This article is especially concerned with the finding that the generation before iGen is more right-wing authoritarian than all post-war generations and what this might mean for the future of social work should that trajectory continue. A study was undertaken to examine the attitudes of 122 iGen students in first-year university course in Scotland. Results show that mean attitudinal measures were right-wing authoritarian in relation to crime and punishment and to unemployed people. Social work students aligned more in their attitudes with their primary education colleagues and less with their less authoritarian community education colleagues, and, overall, the iGen cohort was significantly more right-wing authoritarian than their older colleagues. In essence, there was evidence to suggest that an individualistic, self-sufficiency neoliberal narrative had been quite profoundly internalised by the iGen cohort of students. Implications of a new individualistic practice are considered, and suggestions for social work education programmes are made.

Right‐wing extremism in post‐war Europe

1988 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus von Beyme
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Post War ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Political Scientists and the 1980 National Party Convention

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 6-8
Author(s):  
Kathleen L. Barber
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Executive Director ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
National Party ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Selection Processes ◽  
Study And Teaching ◽  
The Impact

While the country may not have recognized the impact of political scientists on the 1980 major party presidential conventions, we were indeed there. At least 19 known political scientists were among the 5381 Democratic delegates and alternates in New York City in August, and one known political scientist was among the 3988 Republican delegates and alternates in Detroit in July.These relatively rare birds who combine the study and teaching of politics with the doing were asked byPSto write short essays on their observations of the delegate selection processes and of the conventions themselves. In addition, two staff participants, John F. Bibby, a veteran of five Republican conventions, and Elaine C. Kamarck, self-styled “hackademic” who served as Executive Director of the 1980 Democratic Platform Committee, have contributed thoughtful comments on their perspectives. Finally, Byron E. Shafer, political scientist practicing his profession, is the only one of our contributors to have observed both 1980 conventions.

scholarly journals Seeds of authoritarian opposition: Far-right education politics in post-war Europe

2020 ◽  
pp. 147490412094789
Author(s):  
Anja Giudici
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Education Politics ◽  
Educational Engagement ◽  
European Education ◽  
Post War ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

Since the 1980s, right-wing extremism, radicalism, and populism have emerged as transformative forces in European politics. This unexpected resurgence has triggered an interdisciplinary scholarly effort to refine our understanding of the far right. Educationalists, however, have largely been absent from this endeavour, leaving us unable to theorise and address the potential effects of the far right’s political and cultural growth on European education. This article aims to provide an empirically based conceptional groundwork for educational research on the far right. Drawing on archival research and content analysis of programmatic material produced by diverse and influential far-right organisations in France, (West) Germany, and Italy, I show that the post-war European far right disposes of the two essential features of a social movement: an action-oriented frame that reduces educational reforms to a common contentious theme, and a dense organisational network. The latter engages in institutional and contentious politics, as well as education. Theoretically, these findings suggest that, in the realm of education, the far right ought to be conceptualised as a social movement that seeks to influence education policy, and represents itself an educational actor. Addressing the far right’s multifaceted educational engagement thus requires a combined effort across European education research.

scholarly journals Is Proportional Representation More Favourable to the Left? Electoral Rules and Their Impact on Elections, Parliaments and the Formation of Cabinets

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Döring ◽  
Philip Manow
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Regional Distribution ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Established Democracies ◽  
The Impact

How do electoral rules affect the composition of governments? It is a robust finding that countries with majoritarian rules more often elect conservative governments than those with proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. There are three explanations for this pattern. The first stresses the impact of voting behaviour: the middle class more often votes for right-wing parties in majoritarian electoral systems, anticipating governments’ redistributive consequences. The second explanation is based on electoral geography: the regional distribution of votes may bias the vote-seat translation against the Left in majoritarian systems due to the wide margins by which the Left wins core urban districts. The third explanation refers to party fragmentation: if the Right is more fragmented than the Left in countries with PR, then there is less chance of a right-wing party gaining formateur status. This study tests these three hypotheses for established democracies over the entire post-war period. It finds the first two mechanisms at work in the democratic chain of delegation from voting via the vote-seat translation to the formation of cabinets, while party fragmentation does not seem to co-vary as much as expected with electoral rules. These findings confirm that majoritarian systems have a substantive conservative bias, whereas countries with PR show more differentiated patterns.

scholarly journals How Canadian Intelligence is Exposed to the Impact of Globalization: A Critical Analysis of the Security Threat of Right-Wing Extremism

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Sarah Meyers
Keyword(s):  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Government Documents ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Intelligence Failure ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

It could be argued that Canadian intelligence has been negligent toward the impact of globalisation when assessing the security threat of right-wing extremism (RWE), specifically with the advent of the internet and the significant reduction of the influence of state borders on national policy objectives, and therefore has exposed itself to the potential of intelligence failure. This paper is focused on the state of right-wing extremism in Canada through which it addresses the security question: How is Canadian intelligence exposed to the impact of globalisation? The results of this paper are informed by an in-depth analysis of peer-reviewed articles from Canada, the United States (US), and Europe, as well as Canadian government documents, and newspaper articles, as well as the completion of a key assumptions, check to address bias and better evaluate the evidence found. This paper concludes that it appears likely that Canadian intelligence may not be assessing RWE threats through the lens of globalisation. It could be argued that this creates the potential for intelligence failure. However, there remains one significant caveat. It can be interpreted in Public Safety Canada’s latest update that RWE may soon be considered a type of terrorism. If this is the case, the evidence proves that Canadian intelligence may in fact be considering the impact of globalisation in the context of terrorism and therefore would likely implement the same consideration for RWE.

Fascism and Constitutional Conflict

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Loughlin
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
National Party ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
British National Party

This work makes an original and important contribution, both to the field of British fascist/extreme Right studies and to the Ulster question. British fascist studies have to date largely ignored Northern Ireland, yet it engaged the attention of all the significant fascist movements, both pro-loyalist and pro-nationalist, from the British Fascists and Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the inter-war period to Mosley’s Union Movement, the National Front and British National Party thereafter. As a recurring site of political unrest Northern Ireland should have provided a promising arena for development, however this work demonstrates the great differences between Northern Ireland and Britain that made this problematic, especially the singularity of regional concerns and outlooks and the prominence of the constitutional issue, leaving little space for external parties to develop. Nor did framing the Ulster problem in a European context, such as Mosley’s post-war concept of Europe-a-Nation prove effective. for pro-loyalist extreme Right organisations during the Troubles a common allegiance to symbols of Britishness was offset not only the distinctiveness of regional interests but by the presence of Catholics among their leaders, while their failure to develop successfully as national movements in Britain meant they had little to offer Ulster loyalists. In focussing on Northern Ireland, this study provides insights, both into the strengths and weaknesses of British fascist organisations in the UK as a whole together with how difficult the region was for British organisations to cultivate; indeed, not just the extreme Right but mainstream parties as well.

scholarly journals Theoretical aspects and discursive practice of the right-wing ideology in the political processes of modern Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Mikhail Golovin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Modern Europe ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
British National Party

Introduction. The article discusses the main approaches to the concept “right radicalism” in modern Russian and foreign political science. In addition, the author shows how actors in political processes use ideology in the framework of political struggle as exemplified by the ideological discourse of the far-right British National Party. The aim of the study is to trace the specifics of constructing the nationalist discourse of the rightwing political forces in modern Europe (using the example of the British National Party) and formulate the author’s definition of the term “right-wing radicalism”. Methods. The author uses comparative and historical-retrospective methods to comprehensively consider the phenomenon of the right-wing radicalism, as well as discourse analysis of a political party’s text, which contributes to a better understanding of the features constructing the discourse of these actors in political processes. Scientific novelty of the study. The work provides comprehensive analysis of the concept “right radicalism” in the context of political processes of modern Europe, the author suggests his own definition of the phenomenon considered. Results. From the vast scientific heritage devoted to issues of the right-wing radicalism, ideology, and functioning of right-wing political parties, the author choses several approaches presented in both domestic and foreign political science, which makes it possible to disclose essential ideas of the “right-wing radicalism”. In addition, as a result of the discourse analysis of the British National Party program document, the author identifies the main points that are key to the nationalist discourse of the modern European right-wing radical party. Conclusions. As a result of the study, we can conclude that the concept “right radicalism” is one of the most debatable in modern political science and the relevance of its study is not in doubt. The analysis of the program document of one of the oldest extreme right-wing parties in Europe shows that ideological discourse is formed from various components and, using various methods, the researcher can analyze its structure in detail, understanding how political forces form this discourse within the framework of the political struggle.

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