Cyber-Security Culture towards Digital Marketing Communications among Small and Medium-Sized (SME) Entrepreneurs

Cybersecurity is a multidisciplinary field of study that focuses on preserving and protecting data and information from a wide range of threats and dangers. This study presents a cyber-security culture for assessing the knowledge, attitude and practice towards digital marketing communications among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs. The objectives of this study were to identify the knowledge, attitudes, and practices of cyber-security culture toward digital marketing communications among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs in Selangor, as well as to look into the relationship between knowledge and practice in this area. This study utilized a quantitative methodology in the form of a survey, with respondents being selected at random from a list of numbers and from a box of random numbers. Several lists were generated using Instagram business account listings, telegram entrepreneur groups, the National Entrepreneurs Institute, and the Kuala Selangor District Council webpage for recruiting respondents. From the findings, this study found that there is a strong relationship between the level of knowledge and practices towards cybersecurity in digital marketing communications among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs. The study concluded that good knowledge of cybersecurity is crucial among entrepreneurs for them to establish good practices in managing their business.

REGULATION OF LOCAL REFERENDUM RELATIONS – A PRECONDITION FOR FURTHER IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECENTRALIZATION REFORM

The article analyzes the prospects for the legal regulation of relations the organization and conduct of a local referendum in Ukraine. The relevance of the topic is due to a number of reasons: a local referendum is indeed one of the effective tools through which a territorial community can exercise its power directly. Therefore, this right is declared not only in the text of the Constitution of Ukraine. A number of special laws indicate that certain decisions can be made at a local referendum. However, the legal uncertainty that arose after the termination of the law of Ukraine “On All-Ukrainian and Local Referendums” and the recognition of the Law of Ukraine as unconstitutional by which the aforementioned Law was terminated, has not yet been eliminated in Ukraine. So the main attention in the article is directed to the analysis of the draft law “On local referendum” (register № 5512), submitted to the parliament on May 19, 2021 and sent on October 30, 2021 to The Venice Commission. The purpose of the article is to investigate the compliance of the content of the above-mentioned draft law with the Constitution of Ukraine and European standards embodied in acts of international organizations, of which our state is a member. In general, having positively assessed the content of the above draft law, the article substantiates the advisability of introducing a number of amendments into it due to Resolution 472 (2021) and Recommendation 459 (2021) “Conducting referenda at the local level”, adopted on May 18, 2021 by the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and the decision of the European Court of Human Rights of October 21, 2021 in the case “Seligenenko and others v. Ukraine”. It is proposed: to allow to participate in the local referendum not only those citizens of Ukraine who registered their place of residence on the territory of the corresponding territorial community, but also those who registered their place of residence there and are taxpayers for at least six consecutive months; introduce the possibility of using electronic services when voting at a local referendum; to remove the norm that makes it impossible to simultaneously hold elections and a local referendum, and we also propose to determine the subject of the appointment of a local referendum not to the territorial commission from the local referendum, but to the village, settlement, mayor, chairman of the district, regional, district council in the city.

URDU-23 Historical and Political Role of Sakhani Tribe in the Politics of D.G.Khan

This research is basically an analytical study of a Baloch tribe Sakhani which had played an important role in the history. Although this tribe is mostly inhabited in Punjab but also found in other provinces of Pakistan in the past and even now in KPK and Sindh to Balochistan. Sakhani tribe is considered a powerful tribe of the past and their history is also recognized against the rebellion of Sewstan during the time of Aurangzeb Alamgir. The bravery of the Sikh nation in history is undeniable. Whether it is the battle of Sewstan or the war against the Sikhs. Whether it is a clash from Nawab Bahawalpur or reaching Nawab Muzaffar Khan with bare swords during the siege of Multan is his national service. Ssimilarly, a huge vote bank of Sikhs in Dera Ghazi Khan is their political power which they have been using locally for the last two or three decades to win district council seats or several union council chairs. His vote bank is very important in the National and Provincial Assembly elections in Dera Ghazi Khan. The paper highlights the role of Sakhani tribe in the politics of Dera Ghazi Khan.

Pharmaceutical Phonies: The Entanglement of Fraud, Third-Party Payors, and Proximate Cause in Civil RICO Cases

This Case Note analyzes the Ninth Circuit’s approach to the issue of whether patients and doctors destroy proximate cause in cases where third-party payors (“TPPs”) sue drug companies for fraudulently misrepresenting the health risks associated with their products. In the 2019 case Painters & Allied Trades District Council 82 Health Care Fund v. Takeda Pharmaceuticals Co., the Ninth Circuit held that TPPs suing to recover damages from a pharmaceutical company for the fraudulent omission of a drug’s health risks could satisfy the proximate cause requirement for a civil cause of action under § 1964(c) of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (“RICO”). The Ninth Circuit’s decision is satisfactory in that it faithfully (1) observes the Supreme Court’s direct relation test and (2) follows precedent establishing that a plaintiff satisfies the proximate cause requirement when their alleged injury is a foreseeable and natural consequence of the defendant’s fraud. As a matter of public policy, this holding is positive because it hamstrings pharmaceutical companies’ ability to escape liability by hiding behind patients, doctors, and other actors inhabiting the chain of causation. Additionally, the Ninth Circuit’s holding is positive in that it adheres to Supreme Court precedent and helps deter future injurious conduct. In support of these assertions, this Case Note begins by examining the factual background and procedural posture of Painters. The Note continues by analyzing the majority’s opinion with respect to related case law and closes by suggesting ways to address some of the potential problems that could stem from the Ninth Circuit’s decision.

Patching up the differences: An exploration into Whanganui gang identity

<p>The District Council (Prohibition of Gang Insignia) Act 2009 (‘Gang Insignia Act 2009’) came into force in 2009 and prohibited the ‘display’ of ‘gang insignia’ within ‘specified areas’ of the Whanganui District. The purported aim of the legislation was to reduce intimidation of the public and confrontations between gangs. There was no requirement for intent on the part of the wearer of the insignia. This made the Whanganui gang insignia ban unique in terms of criminal law as it maintained that harm was inflicted due to group identity rather than specific conduct. This raises the question of how an identity can be constructed so that it is considered capable of causing criminal harm. To address this question, this research looked at the ways in which the media contributed to the construction of gang identity during the period of 2004 to 2013. This was achieved through (1) a content analysis of reports from three print newspapers and two online newspapers, (2) a content analysis of reader interactions with the reports, and (3) a textual analysis of two print newspapers. The research was guided by moral panic theory so looked for ways in which the events related to stages or elements of moral panic. The focus of the moral panic was also expanded so as to explore the overall context operating at the particular time. It was found that the events did correspond to a moral panic model and that whilst the panic was triggered by key occurrences of gang violence, the underlying motive for the panic could be attributed to racial tensions, penal populism, and the use of a terrorist frame. Whilst this research focuses on the construction of gang identity, the techniques used by the media can be applicable to other group identities.</p>

How an election can be safely planned and conducted during a pandemic: Decision support based on a discrete event model

In 2020, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic caused major limitations for any aspect of social life and in specific for all events that require a gathering of people. While most events of this kind can be postponed or cancelled, democratic elections are key elements of any democratic regime and should be upheld if at all possible. Consequently, proper planning is required to establish the highest possible level of safety to both voters and scrutineers. In this paper, we present the novel and innovative way how the municipal council and district council elections in Vienna were planned and conducted using an discrete event simulation model. Key target of this process was to avoid queues in front of polling stations to reduce the risk of related infection clusters. In cooperation with a hygiene expert, we defined necessary precautions that should be met during the election in order to avoid the spread of COVID-19. In a next step, a simulation model was established and parametrized and validated using data from previous elections. Furthermore, the planned conditions were simulated to see whether excessive queues in front of any polling stations could form, as these could on the one hand act as an infection herd, and on the other hand, turn voters away. Our simulation identified some polling stations where long queues could emerge. However, splitting up these electoral branches resulted in a smooth election across all of Vienna. Looking back, the election did not lead to a significant increase of COVID-19 incidences. Therefore, it can be concluded that careful planning led to a safe election, despite the pandemic.

Patching up the differences: An exploration into Whanganui gang identity

<p>The District Council (Prohibition of Gang Insignia) Act 2009 (‘Gang Insignia Act 2009’) came into force in 2009 and prohibited the ‘display’ of ‘gang insignia’ within ‘specified areas’ of the Whanganui District. The purported aim of the legislation was to reduce intimidation of the public and confrontations between gangs. There was no requirement for intent on the part of the wearer of the insignia. This made the Whanganui gang insignia ban unique in terms of criminal law as it maintained that harm was inflicted due to group identity rather than specific conduct. This raises the question of how an identity can be constructed so that it is considered capable of causing criminal harm. To address this question, this research looked at the ways in which the media contributed to the construction of gang identity during the period of 2004 to 2013. This was achieved through (1) a content analysis of reports from three print newspapers and two online newspapers, (2) a content analysis of reader interactions with the reports, and (3) a textual analysis of two print newspapers. The research was guided by moral panic theory so looked for ways in which the events related to stages or elements of moral panic. The focus of the moral panic was also expanded so as to explore the overall context operating at the particular time. It was found that the events did correspond to a moral panic model and that whilst the panic was triggered by key occurrences of gang violence, the underlying motive for the panic could be attributed to racial tensions, penal populism, and the use of a terrorist frame. Whilst this research focuses on the construction of gang identity, the techniques used by the media can be applicable to other group identities.</p>

Active Investment: Evaluating the Benefits and Costs of Investing in Active Travel in the Urban New Zealand Context

<p>Increased uptake of active travel is widely acknowledged to promote improved health, environmental and community outcomes. Although active travel participation rates in New Zealand compare favourably to other Anglo-Saxon countries, many northern European countries report active travel rates that are many fold higher. In response to declining rates of active travel across New Zealand, the New Zealand Transport Agency created the Model Communities Programme. The goal of this programme was to boost walking and cycling rates in two demonstration cities, Hastings and New Plymouth, by improving walking and cycling infrastructure, as well as funding promotional and educational initiatives. This study evaluates the effectiveness of the Model Communities Programme. This evaluation includes a quantitative appraisal in the form of a cost-benefit analysis. In addition to evaluating the economic efficiency of the programme, this study provides qualitative analysis derived from user intercept surveys and interviews with district council project managers to further assess the effectiveness of the intervention. This study has found the Model Communities Programme to be cost-beneficial under several evaluative frameworks. In addition to this, the qualitative analysis has also presented largely positive feedback from both users and project managers. This study concludes that the Model Communities Programme has indeed boosted active travel in the demonstration cities, and that similar interventions are likely to be effective at promoting active travel across urban New Zealand.</p>

Active Investment: Evaluating the Benefits and Costs of Investing in Active Travel in the Urban New Zealand Context

<p>Increased uptake of active travel is widely acknowledged to promote improved health, environmental and community outcomes. Although active travel participation rates in New Zealand compare favourably to other Anglo-Saxon countries, many northern European countries report active travel rates that are many fold higher. In response to declining rates of active travel across New Zealand, the New Zealand Transport Agency created the Model Communities Programme. The goal of this programme was to boost walking and cycling rates in two demonstration cities, Hastings and New Plymouth, by improving walking and cycling infrastructure, as well as funding promotional and educational initiatives. This study evaluates the effectiveness of the Model Communities Programme. This evaluation includes a quantitative appraisal in the form of a cost-benefit analysis. In addition to evaluating the economic efficiency of the programme, this study provides qualitative analysis derived from user intercept surveys and interviews with district council project managers to further assess the effectiveness of the intervention. This study has found the Model Communities Programme to be cost-beneficial under several evaluative frameworks. In addition to this, the qualitative analysis has also presented largely positive feedback from both users and project managers. This study concludes that the Model Communities Programme has indeed boosted active travel in the demonstration cities, and that similar interventions are likely to be effective at promoting active travel across urban New Zealand.</p>

The effects of state coercion on voting outcome in protest movements: a causal forest approach

In this research note, we examine how Hong Kong voters respond to police violence in the recent social movement. We use causal forests, a machine learning algorithm, to estimate the impact of tear gas usage specific to each constituency. Based on the 2019 District Council Election outcome, we find that there is heterogeneity in the effect of state coercion on the vote share of pro-democracy candidates, depending on many socioeconomic characteristics of the constituency. The results imply that economic concerns still matter in the struggle to obtain democracy: citizens who sense economic insecurity in social unrest show less disapproval of state violence.