scholarly journals Adellijke echo’s? De invloed van de adel op de ontwikkeling van buitenplaatsen langs de rivieren van het Amstelland en de Oude Rijn

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Gerrit Van Oosterom

This article claims that the influence of the nobility on the temporal and spatial development of the country house landscapes in the areas of Amstelland and the Oude Rijn was stronger than has previously been argued and remained visible long after the nobles themselves had left. In Amstelland the economic, social and cultural focus of the Catholic nobility that still owned land here shifted at the end of the seventeenth century to the southern part of the Netherlands and abroad. It offered the merchant elite of Amsterdam the opportunity to buy their prime locations and turn them into modern dairy farms combined with the first country houses in Amstelland. Along the Oude Rijn river many locations carried various noble connotations, which seemed to attract the status-sensitive members of the urban elite of both Amsterdam and Utrecht. They used the location – formerly a noble seat – and name of the place so as to associate themselves with a (true or fabricated) noble past.

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sofija Sorić

The author deals with two country houses of Vuko Crnica which have not hitherto been subject to scholarly research. One of them is no longer extant residential and agricultural complex of the Crnica Family on the island of Vir which consisted of a country house, a chapel and a small utility building. These structures were built by Vuko Crnica, a colonel in the Venetian army, after 1634, when he received the island of Vir as a concession, but before 1666, when they were mentioned for the first time in his will. The country house at Preko on the island of Ugljan was erected in 1666, as is recorded on the inscription installed above the entrance to the garden. This house is well-preserved albeit in a modified form because of the nineteenth-century intervention which occured when it was owned by the painter Franjo Salghetti-Drioli. Significant features of the summer residence at Preko include a large, well-preserved garden, as well as the original articulation of the living quarters inside the house. The inventories of the country houses at Vir and Preko, recorded in 1683, enable us to reconstruct their original appearance and furnishings. Both country houses belong to the large group of seventeenth-century summer residencies being built on Zadar islands. Both, through their characteristic locations by the sea, one with a chapel, the other with a large garden, fit into the contemporary trends in country house architecture on Dalmatian islands, marked by simple, utilitarian architecture with hints of Baroque morphology applied to specific elements of architectural and sculptural decoration.


2011 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Anderson

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, country-house tourism became increasingly popular in England. By 1770, hundreds of tourists were visiting the country’s greatest estates every summer. The nature of the attraction varied from house to house. Some, such as Kedleston Hall and Stowe, were considered ‘elegant’ modern buildings, while others, such as Blenheim Palace, were already seen as historical sites. Although country-house visiting as a concept dated back to the seventeenth century, there had never been so many tourists, nor such a variety of them. While one needed to be relatively wealthy and genteel in order to travel and gain admission to great houses, tourists included not only those who had their own estates but also those who could only be spectators. Early country-house tourists have been examined by a number of historians, but the ways in which the houses themselves were presented have hitherto been little studied. A better understanding of this manner of presentation illuminates the nature of tourists’ experiences and how the country house itself began to be identified as an attraction during this period. In essence, in an effort to cope with the influx of visitors, country-house owners began to formalize the terms under which their estates were open to the public. As part of this process, houses were metaphorically ‘remade’ in order to function as tourist attractions as well as private residences. It was not enough for owners simply to allow entry. They had to decide what would be shown to visitors, and how to provide visitors with information about the house and its contents. At first, these problems were solved by instructing housekeepers to guide visitors, but, as certain houses became exceptionally popular, a new practice developed: publishing guidebooks. This article considers the methodologies by which the interior spaces of country houses were remade in guidebooks (a type of re-presentation that can still be observed in many properties that are open to the public today), as well as the effects of this process.


1930 ◽  
Vol 8 (22) ◽  
pp. 30-40

Abstract The machinery of manorial administration: with special reference to the lands of the bishopric of Winchester (1208–1454) The function and influence of privy councillors in parliament in the early seventeenth century. The status of French and English in the Neutral Islands,1635–1763. A study of the manuscripts of theatrical and dramatic interest preserved in the British museum,1660–1720. Great Britain and the establishment of the kingdom of the Netherlands,1813–16.


Author(s):  
Frank J. Longo

Measurement of the egg's electrical activity, the fertilization potential or the activation current (in voltage clamped eggs), provides a means of detecting the earliest perceivable response of the egg to the fertilizing sperm. By using the electrical physiological record as a “real time” indicator of the instant of electrical continuity between the gametes, eggs can be inseminated with sperm at lower, more physiological densities, thereby assuring that only one sperm interacts with the egg. Integrating techniques of intracellular electrophysiological recording, video-imaging, and electron microscopy, we are able to identify the fertilizing sperm precisely and correlate the status of gamete organelles with the first indication (fertilization potential/activation current) of the egg's response to the attached sperm. Hence, this integrated system provides improved temporal and spatial resolution of morphological changes at the site of gamete interaction, under a variety of experimental conditions. Using these integrated techniques, we have investigated when sperm-egg plasma membrane fusion occurs in sea urchins with respect to the onset of the egg's change in electrical activity.


Author(s):  
Didier Debaise

Which kind of relation exists between a stone, a cloud, a dog, and a human? Is nature made of distinct domains and layers or does it form a vast unity from which all beings emerge? Refusing at once a reductionist, physicalist approach as well as a vitalistic one, Whitehead affirms that « everything is a society » This chapter consequently questions the status of different domains which together compose nature by employing the concept of society. The first part traces the history of this notion notably with reference to the two thinkers fundamental to Whitehead: Leibniz and Locke; the second part defines the temporal and spatial relations of societies; and the third explores the differences between physical, biological, and psychical forms of existence as well as their respective ways of relating to environments. The chapter thus tackles the status of nature and its domains.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Kurowiak

AbstractAs a work of propaganda, graphics Austroseraphicum Coelum Paulus Pontius should create a new reality, make appearances. The main impression while seeing the graphics is the admiration for the power of Habsburgs, which interacts with the power of the Mother of God. She, in turn, refers the viewer to God, as well as Franciscans placed on the graphic, they become a symbol of the Church. This is a starting point for further interpretation of the drawing. By the presence of certain characters, allegories, symbols, we can see references to a particular political situation in the Netherlands - the war with the northern provinces of Spain. The message of the graphic is: the Spanish Habsburgs, commissioned by the mission of God, they are able to fight all of the enemies, especially Protestants, with the help of Immaculate and the Franciscans. The main aim of the graphic is to convince the viewer that this will happen and to create in his mind a vision of the new reality. But Spain was in the seventeenth century nothing but a shadow of former itself (in the time of Philip IV the general condition of Spain get worse). That was the reason why they wanted to hold the belief that the empire continues unwavering. The form of this work (graphics), also allowed to export them around the world, and the ambiguity of the symbolic system, its contents relate to different contexts, and as a result, the Habsburgs, not only Spanish, they could promote their strength everywhere. Therefore it was used very well as a single work of propaganda, as well as a part of a broader campaign


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. C. Coleman

The intention of this paper is to look at some of the problems which arise in attempts to provide ‘explanations’ of mercantilism and especially its English manifestations. By ‘explanations’ I mean the efforts which some writers have made causally to relate the historical appearance of sets of economic notions or general recommendations on economic policy or even acts of economic policy by the state to particular long-term phenomena of, or trends in, economic history. Historians of economic thought have not generally made such attempts. With a few exceptions they have normally concerned themselves with tracing and analysing the contributions to economic theory made by those labelled as mercantilists. The most extreme case of non-explanation is provided by Eli Heckscher's reiterated contention in his two massive volumes that mercantilism was not to be explained by reference to the economic circumstances of the time; mercantilist policy was not to be seen as ‘the outcome of the economic situation’; mercantilist writers did not construct their system ‘out of any knowledge of reality however derived’. So strongly held an antideterminist fortress, however congenial a haven for some historians of ideas, has given no comfort to other historians – economic or political, Marxist or non-Marxist – who obstinately exhibit empiricist tendencies. Some forays against the fortress have been made. Barry Supple's analysis of English commerce in the early seventeenth century and the resulting presentation of mercantilist thought and policy as ‘the economics of depression’ has passed into the textbooks and achieved the status of an orthodoxy.


Urban History ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 78-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herman Diederiks

Dutch urban history has finally accorded the eighteenth century the attention it deserves in a number of recent publications. That century was characterized by the economic and political decline of the Dutch Republic generally, and certain towns in particular. The ‘Zuiderzee’ towns witnessed a dramatic fall in population, reflecting their economic decline, and in the southern part of the province of Holland urban life also stagnated. In contrast to the ports, inland towns derived status in the urban hierarchy from their industrial interests, but due to foreign competition in the eighteenth century, they too declined; most notably, the cloth industry of Leiden, the clay pipe industry of Gouda, and the breweries and potteries of Delft each lost the leading position established in the seventeenth century. Leiden was the largest of the towns with more than 70,000 inhabitants in the last quarter of the seventeenth century, and after Amsterdam, was the most populous town of the Republic. Leiden however could not maintain that position, and lost almost 50 per cent of its inhabitants during the first half of the eighteenth century, declining further to under 30,000 residents by 1800. Gouda numbered about 20,000 in 1732, but declined to 12,000 in 1795; Hoorn with 12,000 inhabitants diminished to only 9,500 in 1795 and the population of Delft, too, fell from around 24,000 in 1680 to 14,000 in 1795.


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