Social Movements as Extra-Institutional Entrepreneurs: The Effect of Protests on Stock Price Returns

2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brayden G King ◽  
Sarah A. Soule

This paper uses social movement theory to examine one way in which secondary stakeholders outside the corporation may influence organizational processes, even if they are excluded from participating in legitimate channels of organizational change. Using data on activist protests of U.S. corporations during 1962–1990, we examine the effect of protests on abnormal stock price returns, an indicator of investors' reactions to a focal event. Empirical analysis demonstrates that protests are more influential when they target issues dealing with critical stakeholder groups, such as labor or consumers, and when generating greater media coverage. Corporate targets are less vulnerable to protest when the media has given substantial coverage to the firm prior to the protest event. Past media attention provides alternative information to investors that may contradict the messages broadcast by protestors.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Miatus Sholikhah ◽  
Siti Zunariyah

<p>Most of Indonesia’s rivers fall into the heavily polluted category. One of the heavily polluted rivers in Indonesu is the Brantas River. This research had purpose to understanding the problems in Brantas River and also to know the environmental movement in order to recovering Brantas River. The theory which was used in this research was New Social Movement theory from Rajendra Singh. This research was qualitative research with etnography methods. Data was obtained by observation, detailed interview, and also documentation. The subject of this research was Ecoton, the public accompanied by Ecoton on the headwaters and the downstream of the Brantas River, and the school accompanied by Ecoton. Researcher was using source triangulation techniques to test the collected data legitimation. Researcher used Miles and Huberman’s outlook in data analysis, which consist of three activity lines; data reduction, data presentation and draw conclusions.</p>            Results show that there were many problems happened in Brantas River from the headwaters to the downstream. There were five problems found in this research. <em>First,</em> problems in Brantas River headwaters was reclaiming the land functions and illegal logging. <em>Second,</em> there were many abandoned buildings on the riverside. <em>Third</em>, domestic pollution from household. The buildings which were built on the riverside had made the people to easily throw away their garbages to the Brantas River. Mostly it was diapers, which could endanger human and the fishes whom lives in Brantas River. <em>Fourth</em>, the industrial pollution which already exceeds the permittable treshold. Industry had oftenly disposed their waste to the river without conducted the sewage management procedure which then created the new problems in Brantas River: a mass death fish. A mass death fish had become the <em>fifth</em> problems in Brantas River. The damage of environmental condition of Brantas River had pushed the movement from Ecoton. In their movement, Ecoton had the characteristic new social movement which was the ideology of care to the Brantas River damage. The strategy which was used by Ecoton were conducted partitions research, environmental education, advocation and also involved the media on every movement they had done. Ecoton had the non-institutional structure, which was unconcerned with power but put their focus to reach the aims and the visions.


Author(s):  
Isabelle van der Vegt ◽  
Maximilian Mozes ◽  
Paul Gill ◽  
Bennett Kleinberg

AbstractThe media frequently describes the 2017 Charlottesville ‘Unite the Right’ rally as a turning point for the alt-right and white supremacist movements. Social movement theory suggests that the media attention and public discourse concerning the rally may have engendered changes in social identity performance and visibility of the alt-right, but this has yet to be empirically tested. The presence of the movement on YouTube is of particular interest, as this platform has been referred to as a breeding ground for the alt-right. The current study investigates whether there are differences in language use between 7142 alt-right and progressive YouTube channels, in addition to measuring possible changes as a result of the rally. To do so, we create structural topic models and measure bigram proportions in video transcripts, spanning approximately 2 months before and after the rally. We observe differences in topics between the two groups, with the ‘alternative influencers’, for example, discussing topics related to race and free speech to a larger extent than progressive channels. We also observe structural breakpoints in the use of bigrams at the time of the rally, suggesting there are changes in language use within the two groups as a result of the rally. While most changes relate to mentions of the rally itself, the alternative group also shows an increase in promotion of their YouTube channels. In light of social movement theory, we argue that language use on YouTube shows that the Charlottesville rally indeed triggered changes in social identity performance and visibility of the alt-right.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Gonzalez

This contribution addresses the anti-minaret referendum accepted by the Swiss people in 2009, using data drawn from the main television news program in French-speaking Switzerland. The analysis tries to point out ambiguities in the media coverage of this referendum and to show how increasing the Muslims’ visibility worked against their public recognition. The clarification of the concept of visibility pays attention to the ways in which certain actors (politicians of the nationalist right) force others (the Muslims of Switzerland) to appear in the public sphere, creating controversy and publicizing their identity aspirations. This investigation leads to an inquiry on the normative conditions necessary for democratic debate.Cette contribution revient sur l’initiative anti-minarets acceptée par le peuple suisse en 2009, à partir de matériau provenant du principal journal de la Télévision suisse romande. L’analyse tente de ressaisir les ambiguïtés inhérentes à la médiatisation de cette initiative et de montrer comment la visibilisation des musulmans a joué en défaveur de leur reconnaissance publique. L’élucidation du concept de visibilité se veut attentive à certaines formes d’instrumentalisation par des acteurs (des politiciens de la droite nationaliste) qui en forcent d’autres (les musulmans de Suisse) à apparaître dans l’espace public, afin de susciter une controverse et publiciser leur programme identitaire. L’enquête débouche sur une interrogation relative aux conditions normatives nécessaires à la tenue d’un débat démocratique.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
FERNANDO PERLI

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> A formação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) marcou-se pelo envolvimento de entidades civis e religiosas na produção de diversos meios de comunicação. Dentre a variedade, os audiovisuais tornaram-se instrumentos cada vez mais recorrentes para a capacitação de quadros e a visibilidade social do MST. Na década de 1990, as coberturas dadas pela mídia e a ampliação dos mecanismos de divulgação do movimento social contribuíram para o desenvolvimento de projetos que incentivaram a produção de vídeos-documentários pelos sem-terra. O presente artigo suscita a análise das apropriações e produções de audiovisuais na organização do MST, considerando o sentido político do reconhecimento de audiovisuais para a divulgação do movimento social e o debate sobre o lugar ocupado por diferentes mecanismos de difusão de representações na luta pela reforma agrária.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Audiovisuais – Movimentos sociais – Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> The formation of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) was marked by the participation of civil and religious authorities in the production of various media. Among them, the audiovisual production became an increasingly recurrent instrument to train its cadre and to enable social visibility to the organization. In the 1990s, the media coverage and the expansion of dissemination mechanisms have contributed to the development of projects that stimulated the production of documentaries by the landless rural workers. This paper raises the analysis of appropriations and audiovisual productions within MST, considering the political sense of acknowledging the audiovisual as a means to disseminate the social movement as well as the debate on the place occupied by different diffusion mechanisms of representations in the struggle for agrarian reform.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Audiovisual – Social movement – Landless Rural Workers Movement.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-116
Author(s):  
Kerri Milita ◽  
John Barry Ryan

Analyses of television news and major newspapers have led to the critique that “the media” ignore the issues in campaigns, which could explain studies that show limited effects for media coverage on knowledge. These studies overlook great variation in the quantity and quality of news coverage in local information environments. Using data collected from local newspaper websites during the 2012 American presidential election, we show the quality and quantity of local news campaign coverage differ substantially between battleground and nonbattleground states. In an effort to differentiate themselves from other news outlets, newspapers in battleground states play up the local angle (e.g., candidate visits), resulting in less attention to issues in their stories. These findings suggest the voters most important to the election outcome (i.e., those in battleground states) may have less information on candidate issue positions available within their local media market.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Caniglia ◽  
JoAnn Carmin

This essay examines research on social movement organizations (SMOs) within each of the three major schools of social movement theory: resource mobilization, political process, and cultural-cognitive approaches. We map the general terrain of these perspectives and demonstrate how they have established enduring and emerging trends in SMO scholarship. By briefly revisiting some of the central findings and theoretical arguments of SMO research, we provide a background for future research in social movement organizational processes and a foundation for the articles contained in this special issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
Dorothee Arlt

In Switzerland, Islam and Muslims are repeatedly the subject of political debates and, thus, of media reporting. While content analyses show a certain bias in Western media coverage of Islam and Muslims, relatively little is known about the audience’s perspective on media bias in this context. Using data from an online survey of the Swiss population (n = 976), this study examines people’s perceptions of bias in the media coverage of Islam and Muslims in Switzerland and how it relates to their intention to vote on the popular initiative “Yes to a veil ban”. The study was conducted in March 2019, two years before the actual vote took place on 7 March 2021. The results show that the majority of the Swiss non-Muslim population perceives the reporting as distorted. In the study’s investigation of media bias perceptions, attitudes towards Islam and Muslims, political orientation and personal contact with Muslims proved to be the most relevant influencing factors. By contrast, exposure to political information via traditional news media and social media was not associated with bias perceptions. Finally, a stronger perception that the media understate certain problems related to Islam and Muslims in Switzerland was positively related to people’s intention to vote for a national ban on wearing burkas or niqabs in public.


1993 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Walsh ◽  
Rex Warland ◽  
D. Clayton Smith

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 69-83
Author(s):  
N. S. Dankova ◽  
E. V. Krekhtunova

The article is devoted to the study of the media representation features of the situation of coronavirus infection spread. The material was articles published in American newspapers. It is shown that the metaphorical model "War" is widely used in media coverage of the pandemic. The relevance of the work is due to the ability of the media to influence the mass consciousness. The methodological basis of the research is formed by critical discourse analysis, which establishes the connection between language and social reality. The article provides an overview of works devoted to the study of metaphor. The theoretical foundations for the study of metaphorical modeling are given. In the course of the analysis, the linguistic means of updating the metaphorical model "War" were revealed. The authors note that this metaphorical model is represented by such frames as “War and its characteristics”, “Participants in military action”, “War zone”, “Enemy actions”, “Confronting the enemy”. It is shown that modern reality is presented in the media as martial law, the coronavirus is positioned in the media as a cruel and merciless enemy seeking to take over the world, the treatment of the disease is represented as a fight against the enemy. It is concluded that the use of the metaphorical model "War" is one of the ways to conceptualize the spread of coronavirus.


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