scholarly journals JUDICIAL REVIEW OF LEGISLATION BY ADMINISTRATIVE BODIES AND NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JUSTICE: LIMITS AND POSSIBILITIES IN DIALOGUE WITH CONSTITUTIONAL JURISDICTION

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (57) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Paulo Gonet BRANCO ◽  
Ilton Norberto ROBL FILHO

ABSTRACT Objectives: The constitutional powers of the National Council of Justice challenge a constitutionally appropriate interpretation of its functions and constitutional consequences. This article analyzes the incidental control of constitutionality of administrative acts by such Council, based on article 37 of the Constitution of 1988, with the possibility to decline application of the law interpreted as unconstitutional. Methodology: The methodology used in this study is phenomenological-hermeneutic with literature review and analysis of the jurisprudence of the National Council of Justice and the Federal Supreme Court. Results:The thesis sustained in this paper states that the control of constitutionality of laws by administrative bodies loses relevance with the adoption of a robust system of judicial review in incidental and abstract forms, as currently observed in Brazil. On the other hand, exceptionally, due to the powers of article 103-B, I and II of § 4 of the Federal Constitution, the National Council of Justice may carry out judicial review by administrative bodies, having as its control parameter especially article 37 of Federal Constitution, but with limitations and due deference to the precedents of the Federal Supreme Court to apply the constitutional principles of government and to resolve the conflict between constitutional norms. Contributions: The study mentions the peculiarities of the National Council of Justice (instituted by Constitutional Amendment No. 45/2004) that are of special interest to analyze its institutional design and its place in rule of law, discussing the possibility of judicial review of administrative acts by the National Council of Justice with the nonapplication of laws not yet declared unconstitutional by the Courts.KEYWORDS: National Council of Justice; judicial review by administrative bodies; jurisdiction; Federal Supreme Court. RESUMO Objetivos: As competências constitucionais do Conselho Nacional de Justiça desafiam uma interpretação constitucionalmente adequada das funções e das suas consequências constitucionais. Este artigo analisa o controle incidental de constitucionalidade dos atos administrativos do mencionado Conselho, a partir do art. 37 da Constituição de 1988, com a possibilidade de afastamento da lei interpretada como inconstitucional. Metodologia: A metodologia utilizada neste estudo é fenomenológico-hermenêutica com revisão da literatura e análise da jurisprudência do Conselho Nacional de Justiça e do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Resultados:A tese sustentada neste trabalho afirma que o controle de constitucionalidade de leis por órgãos administrativos perde relevância com a adoção de robusto sistema de controle judicial de constitucionalidade nas modalidades incidental e abstrata, conforme se observa atualmente no Brasil. De outro lado, excepcionalmente em razão das competências dos incisos I e II do § 4º. do art. 103B, da Constituição de 1988, o Conselho Nacional de Justiça pode realizar controle administrativo de constitucionalidade, tendo como parâmetro de controle especialmente o art. 37 da Constituição de 1988, mas tendo limite e devendo deferência à jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal para concretizar os princípios constitucionais da administração pública e para solucionar a colisão entre normas constitucionais. Contribuições: O estudo traz as peculiaridades do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (instituído pela Emenda Constitucional nº. 45/2004), que são de especial interesse para analisar-se sua estrutura institucional e seu lugar no regramento do Direito ao discutir a possibilidade de revisão judicial de atos administrativos pel Conselho Nacional de Justiça co a não aplicação de leis ainda não declaradas inconstitucionais pelos tribunais. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Conselho Nacional de Justiça; controle de constitucionalidade administrativo; jurisdição; Supremo Tribunal Federal.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 273-290
Author(s):  
Saul Tourinho Leal ◽  
Nara Pinheiro Reis Ayres de Britto

Could the object of a law declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court be reintroduced into the legal system this time through an amendment to the Constitution? And if this amendment is based on elements protected by the Constitution, such as cultural manifestations? The Federal Constitution of 1988 brings in its art. 2nd the separation of the Powers as an explicit stone clause. Could an amendment that admits a constitutionally based exception subscribe to a practice considered by the Supreme Court as capable of subjecting animals to cruelty? The evolution of the times and social and cultural advances are part of the transformation of society itself and this transformation can take place in accordance with the Constitution, and the Supreme Federal Court, in the exercise of its duty to guard the Constitution, preserve the stone clauses notably in the face of political initiatives that try to overcome the transformative effect inherent to the effects of the full exercise of the not majority character of constitutional jurisdiction. Thus, the present work aims to make a constitutional analysis, through bibliographic, legislative and jurisprudential review methodology of the practice of the so-called “vaquejadas” in Brazil and its consequences from a decision taken by the Federal Supreme Court that gave rise to an immediate political reaction through the approval of a constitutional amendment by the National Congress.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Gavison

A discussion of the role of courts in Israel today demands some introductory remarks. The Supreme Court and the President of the Supreme Court enjoy great acclaim and respect within Israel and abroad, but have recently come under attack from a variety of sources. These attacks are often confused, and many of them are clearly motivated by narrow partisan interests and an inherent objection to the rule of law and judicial review. But these motives do not necessarily weaken the dangers which the attacks pose to the legitimacy of the courts in general, and the Supreme Court in particular, in Israel's public life. The fact that in some sectors extremely harsh criticism of the court is seen to be an electoral boost, testifies to the serious and dangerous nature of the threat. This situation creates a dilemma for those who want a strong and independent judiciary, believing it is essential for freedom and democracy, but who also believe that, during the last two decades, the courts have transgressed limits they should respect. The dilemma becomes especially acute when the political echo sounds out in one's criticism, and when one is part of the group that believes that the legal and the judicial systems have made some contribution to the prevalence of these hyperbolic and dangerous attacks, as I am.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (Especial 2) ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
Jessica Fernanda Alves Cavalcante ◽  
Luis Henrique Ramos Alves ◽  
Myllena Silva ◽  
Shirley Oliveira Lima Nomura

In order to guarantee its hierarchical supremacy in the Brazilian legal system, the Federal Constitution has the so-called Constitutionality Control, and such an institute has several modalities, so that we will talk about the Diffuse Control exercised by the STF and the rule established by article 52, X, of the CF, which states that it is the responsibility of the Federal Senate to suspend the execution, in whole or in part, of a law declared unconstitutional by a final decision of the Federal Supreme Court. However, this provision of the Constitution has been considered by lawyers and jurists as a "dead letter", since EC Nº 45/04 instituted the binding summaries in Article 103-A, which has replaced said rule, stating that the STF may , officio or by provocation, after repeated decisions on constitutional matters, approve the binding summary. Faced with this is in doubt the precedent is constitutional and the competence of the Senate is dead letter or the Precedent is Unconstitutional?


Author(s):  
Adam Shinar ◽  
Barak Medina ◽  
Gila Stopler

Abstract Israeli constitutionalism has long interested comparative constitutional law scholars, whether due to its geopolitical status, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, its internal divisions, or its unique constitutional evolution. Unlike many other countries that have ratified constitutions after the Second World War, Israel was established as a parliamentary democracy, with an explicit intention to ratify a constitution at a later stage. This did not happen. Instead, it underwent a “constitutional revolution” announced by its Supreme Court. Fitting a revolution, much of comparative constitutional law scholarship has focused on this pivotal moment. The articles in this symposium depart from the scholarship focused on that moment. They seek to critically understand what has become of Israeli constitutionalism in the past decade. In this introduction, we highlight several transformations and features which we believe are essential if one is to understand the extant constitutional order in Israel. These should be understood as background conditions against which Israeli constitutionalism is operating. They include the strengthening of judicial review alongside rising political resistance to the Court’s power; populism in political discourse targeting rule of law institutions; the erosion of individual rights alongside the strengthening of nationalist elements; and increasing divisions inside Israeli society. These challenge the idea of a successful constitutional revolution in terms of its inherent promise to better protect individual rights and safeguard the rule of law. In describing these features, we seek to situate the Supreme Court, judicial review, and the legal-constitutional order generally, in the larger sphere of Israeli society and politics.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 377
Author(s):  
Sirlene Elias RIBEIRO

RESUMOO presente artigo cuida de uma análise da atuação dos poderes Legislativo Executivo e Judiciário na realização e implementação dos direitos fundamentais previstos na Constituição Federal do Brasil. O Enfoque dado ao trabalho é a análise de considerações e definições doutrinárias acerca do tema proposto, bem como de julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal, com o objetivo de uma conclusão acerca do crescimento do ativismo judicial e da judicialização das políticas públicas voltadas aos direitos humanos, passando por uma análise da elaboração de legislação simbolicamente e de uma atuação simbólica do Tribunal nas questões de direitos fundamentais. PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Ativismo; Judicialização; Divisão de Poderes; Legislação Simbólica. ABSTRACTThis article analyzes the performance of the Executive and Judiciary Legislative powers in the realization and implementation of fundamental rights foreseen in the Federal Constitution of Brazil. The focus of the work is the analysis of doctrinal considerations and definitions about the proposed theme, as well as of the Brasilian Federal Supreme Court, with the objective of a conclusion about the growth of judicial activism and the judicialization of public policies focused on human rights, through the analysis of the symbolic drafting of legislation and a symbolic role of the Court in matters of fundamental rights. KEYWORDS: Activism; Judicialization; Division of powers; Symbolic Legislation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Flávia Dias Duarte e Silva ◽  
Gualter Souza Andrade Júnior

<p><strong>RESUMO</strong></p><p>Comprar, vender e trocar, atos corriqueiros no dia a dia de todos os consumidores. Apesar de que o simples fato de acender uma luz caracteriza o exercício de consumir, percebe-se que hodiernamente o consumismo de fato, tornou-se um hábito rotineiro. Com o intuito de atrair as pessoas a consumirem, os fornecedores fazem uso da publicidade, para tanto eles utilizam comerciais que são veiculados na televisão, panfletos, banners, enfim nos diversos veículos de comunicação existentes, e toda essa “manobra comercial” ocorre para fazer com que os consumidores conheçam e comprem determinados produtos ou adquiram serviços.  Infelizmente, algumas publicidades propagadas pelos veículos de comunicação podem ser consideradas abusivas, por isso os publicitários gozam de uma liberdade de expressão limitada, devendo sempre respeitar os Direitos do Consumidor. Diante disso, o presente trabalho vislumbrou propiciar o entendimento do que vem a ser a publicidade abusiva. Para estudar o referido tema, pertinente se fez o estudo de uma campanha publicitária considerada abusiva, intitulada “Papai-Mamãe Não, C&amp;A Sim”, referida campanha consistia na veiculação de três vídeos que faziam menção a frase além de encartes que eram distribuídos nas lojas C&amp;A ao alcance de crianças e adolescentes, estes traziam desenhos de bonecos que faziam alusão a práticas dos namorados de dar flores ou dar as mãos como sendo proibidas e incitava os consumidores, em todo o conteúdo publicitário, a comportamentos sexuais no dia dos namorados. Em atenção aos direitos do consumidor órgãos como o CONAR (Conselho Nacional de Autorregulamenteção Publicitária) e principalmente o PROCON observando princípios elencados no rol de direitos fundamentais insculpidos na Constituição Federal essenciais para a garantia da efetividade do Estado de Direito Democrático além das disposições elencadas no Código de Defesa do Consumidor declaram ser a campanha publicitária dotada de abusividade tendo em vista que o consumidor é considerado a parte mais fraca em uma relação consumerista, assim referida campanha fere o disposto no artigo 37, §2º do Código de Defesa do Consumidor que veda a publicidade abusiva além de desrespeitar valores morais e princípios éticos vigentes no atual Estado de Direito Democrático.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Publicidade abusiva. Código de Defesa do Consumidor. Papai-Mamãe Não.</p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>Buy, sell and trade, unexceptional acts in everyday life for all consumers. Although the mere fact of turning on a light, characterize the exercise of consuming, we realize that in our times consumerism in fact, has become a routine habit. In order to attract people to consume, the providers make use of advertising, therefore they use commercials that are aired on television, flyers, banners, and finally in the various existing communication vehicles. And this whole "business maneuvering" is to make that consumers know and buy certain goods or acquire services. Unfortunately some advertisements propagated by the media may be considered abusive so advertisers enjoy a limited freedom of expression and they must always respect the rights of Consumers. Thus, the present work is to provide an understanding of what is abusive advertising. To study the cited topic, a relevant study of an advertising campaign deemed abusive, titled "Dad - Mom No, C &amp; A Yes". This campaign consisted in airing three videos that made mention to the phrase as well as booklets that were distributed in C &amp; A stores at the reach of children and teenagers. They brought drawings of dolls that made reference to valentines practices of giving flowers or holding hands as being a prohibited act and besides incited consumers within the whole advertising content, to sexual behaviors on Valentine's Day. In response to consumer rights, bodies as CONAR (National Council for Advertising Self-Regulation) and mostly PROCON observing the principles named in the list of fundamental rights sculptured in the Federal Constitution, which is essential for ensuring the effectiveness of rule of Law beyond the provisions listed in the Code of Consumer, they declared the campaign abusive in order that the consumer is regarded as the weaker part in a consumerist relationship. So this campaign hurts the provisions of Article 37 , § 2 of the Code of Consumer Protection, that prohibits abusive advertising, besides disregarding moral values and ethical principles in effect in the current democratic rule of law.</p><p><strong>Keywords :</strong> Consumer . Abusive advertising. Code of Consumer Protection. Dad-Mom no.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 37-49
Author(s):  
Adnan Qadir

The law-making process as a whole vested in the legislative power in the presidential form of government, however in the parliamentary form of government, the executive power participates in the law-making through introducing bills along with legislative initiatives. The Constitution in Iraq grants an original authority to legislate federal laws to the Council of Representatives, however the executive power namely the President and the Council of Ministries participates in the process through introducing government bills to the Council of Representatives. Although the Constitution clearly identifies two methods through which bills shall be presented to the Council of Representatives, there have been disagreements over the constitutionality of laws legislated based legislative initiatives not government bills. The Federal Supreme Court has decided differently on different occasions by depriving the legislative power of its right to initiate in some cases or by putting restrictions in some other cases. This research analyzes the line drawn between the Council of Representatives and the executive power in the process of law-making at its first stage and then examines the Federal Supreme Court’s understanding in the light of the text of the Constitution.


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