Regional Newspaper Coverage of Norwegian Local Elections: Election Coverage in the Agderposten and Fedrelandsvennen Newspapers

2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dag I. Jacobsen ◽  
Anne S. Skomedal

How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed.

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katia Mihailova ◽  

The paper presents results of media monitoring during the election campaigns held in Bulgaria between 2014 and 2019 – after the adoption of the new Electoral Code in 2014 until the last local elections in 2019. The main research question is to what extent the media as mediators in the election campaigns know, respect and comply with the legal regulations concerning their activities during such campaigns. The results outline the models of legal socialization of the Fourth Estate in the election campaigns. They also show patterns of compliance and violation of the legal framework. In addition, they reflect the way in which the media work to change the regulations in question. The research sample included between 117 and 180 media service providers in various election campaigns. There were representatives of all media subfields – traditional media, new media, yellow media, brown media, Prokopiev’s media, Peevski’s media, as well as Russian and American “propaganda media”. The period of research includes almost two full election cycles ‒ two parliamentary elections, two European elections, two local elections, and one presidential election which was held after the clear definition of the legal framework for media in the 2014 Electoral Code. No changes were made to this framework during the study and prior to the publication of this paper. This leads to conclusions regarding the electoral legislation and the regulation of the media system in the electoral process.


Author(s):  
Olha Harmatiy ◽  

For many Ukrainians, the “window” into the world of news is television, especially television news. Having studied the news programs of all-Ukrainian channels, it can be noted that despite broadcasting local elections facts on all TV channels, they did not get such great media interest as the presidential or parliamentary ones, which may indicate little attention of central media to local politics. With the increased public interest in sociology during the election period, the proper dissemination of sociological information is important. It is important for people to learn from the media about reliable rankings accompanied with mandatory methodological information. The study proves the most problematic in the coverage of polling was the publication of information about customers in the media. Survey results manipulation also occurred through using research from dubious and pseudo-sociological institutions and ignoring information from well-known and authoritative organizations. Such non-compliance with the standards of releasing public opinion polls violates the requirements of the Electoral Code and causes the neglect of citizens’ rights to full and objective information about the elections. The conclusion can be made that television, as a popular channel for obtaining information among Ukrainians, did not give the audience full access to the results of sociological research on local elections. The paper offers some solutions to the situation, for instance, increasing the responsibility of the media for disseminating incomplete and unreliable survey results. It is also significant that sociological services provide comprehensive information about their research. If sociological companies are open and provide full reports, the media will have more opportunities to release complete information about the polls to the public. In addition, enhancing general media literacy, the ability to interpret survey results and define their accuracy and reliability will contribute to the citizens’ resistance to sociological data manipulation in the media.


Tripodos ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
Àlvar Peris Blanes ◽  
Javier Pérez-Sánchez

This article analyses how in the main political talk show on television in Spain, La Sexta Noche, the main themes of the European agenda were silenced or conditioned by the themes of the national, regional and local agenda during the last European elections. The media debate was oriented towards an analysis of the results of national elections and the campaign for regional and local elections that allowed for a greater spectacle, thanks to the shock effect of such polarized ideologies and the trivialization of national politics. This research has studied all the shows of the programme broadcast as of the national elections on 28th April 2019 up until the European elections held on 26th May 2019, analysing the main topics covered and the kind and tone of discourses made. Due to the fact that controversial political issues are preferred to more relevant ones in order to generate a spectacle and bigger audiences, the results indicate that the political talk show analysed contributes to the trivialization of debates and the impoverishment of public space, aided by formal elements inherent in the infotainment genre.


Author(s):  
Ceren Yegen

Voters in a democracy contribute to the governance process and mediate the legitimacy of equality and pluralism. This is of great importance in terms of understanding and legitimizing the true meaning of democracy. In the last decade, Turkey has experienced many elections. Local elections on March 31, 2019 were very important. They were quite different in terms of the presentation of political parties and their candidates in the media because both politicians and the public ascribed a lot of meaning to these elections. Therefore, the media showed great interest in the March 31, 2019 local elections, frequently featuring public opinion polls, election campaigns, and political statements that informed voters in real time. This chapter examines the media content of the March 31, 2019 elections.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 599-600
Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver

Like most fields of knowledge, political science tends to progress incrementally. Typically, a political scientist develops a model about a prominent institution or common behavior and that model becomes the starting point for understanding all its other permutations. This is especially the case in studies of American state and local government, which tend to follow theories of national politics. Scholars of state legislatures typically begin their analysis by using studies of the U.S. Congress, analysts of local elections start with presidential vote models, and so on. But, as Elaine Sharp reminds us in Does Local Government Matter?, we should not be so quick to assume that models or theories about national-level politics translate easily to the local level. In fact, local politics may operate under logics all their own.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Syahrul Hidayat

Despite its success in obtaining more votes in the 2004 general election in Jakarta than the previous election in 1999, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has turn its voter support into local executive power by winning a gubernatorial election in the capital. After a narrow defeat in the 2007 local election, the party's candidate who had a respectable reputation also failed to further its bid for the second round of the following local election. By applying the existing possible explanations of urban candidacy in local elections, this paper aims at discussing the possible explanations for the failure of Hidayat Nur Wahid, the PKS candidate, in the 2012 gubernatorial election. The paper argues that in spite of the likely influence of religion, in this case, Islam, the party's candidate is at the forefront position to maximise it since such other factors as personal character, political resources and media are playing role in this context. In this case, the failure to offer a candidate with the capacity to tackle urban problems makes urban voters unlikely to be on their side, although they share the similar religious identity.   


Author(s):  
J. Eric Oliver ◽  
Shang E. Ha ◽  
Zachary Callen

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide an answer to the question: “Who governs” America when Americans live in so many types of places and under so many types of government? It argues for the need to look beyond the forces that shape national politics and consider the factors that influence local politics, particularly local elections. By reexamining local government in terms of their size, scope, and bias, we can restate the question of “who governs” as a question of how does changing the size, scope, or bias of a small-scale democracy affect the ability of its citizens to govern themselves? Or, more importantly, to what extent does changing the size, scope, and bias of a municipality fundamentally alter the distribution of power and resources within a locality?


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovic ◽  
Miro Hacek

The paper focuses on a lesser-known political phenomenon observed in Slovenia since the country gained its independence in 1991. At every local election since then, non-partisan candidates and lists—often called independent in the media—have been gaining more votes and increasing support. By analyzing the results of the last five local elections, we manifested that there are three origins of the success of these non-partisan candidates and lists. We also try to ascertain whether non-partisan candidates and lists are truly a product of an anti-party political culture, climate and movements, or whether they are simply another way for political parties to gain political power at local levels of government.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Lefevere ◽  
Christophe Lesschaeve

The effect of local election campaigns on political knowledge. The case of the Antwerp local elections The effect of local election campaigns on political knowledge. The case of the Antwerp local elections Political knowledge is crucial for the functioning of democracy: only informed citizens can cast a substantiated vote. Therefore, it is especially important that citizens are informed during election campaigns. Indeed, election campaigns can educate the public on the various parties and candidates. However, extant research mostly focuses on national election campaigns. Local election campaigns often get less (media) attention, yet have been seldom researched. In this paper we investigate whether citizens also learn during local election campaigns. We use panel data collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. We find that although the campaign did cause slight knowledge gains, it mainly increased the existing knowledge gap between well- and ill-informed citizens. On the other hand the campaign did amend some other gaps: uncertain voters learned more, and voters learned most about parties they evaluated highly.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Pimlott

Are local election campaigns just periodic acts of renewal, seasonal rites, or do they gain extra votes? Whatever may be true at general elections, low turnout is a reason for thinking that the scope for organization at local elections may be considerable.


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