scholarly journals An Islamic Party in Urban Local Politics: The PKS Candidacy at the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Syahrul Hidayat

Despite its success in obtaining more votes in the 2004 general election in Jakarta than the previous election in 1999, the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has turn its voter support into local executive power by winning a gubernatorial election in the capital. After a narrow defeat in the 2007 local election, the party's candidate who had a respectable reputation also failed to further its bid for the second round of the following local election. By applying the existing possible explanations of urban candidacy in local elections, this paper aims at discussing the possible explanations for the failure of Hidayat Nur Wahid, the PKS candidate, in the 2012 gubernatorial election. The paper argues that in spite of the likely influence of religion, in this case, Islam, the party's candidate is at the forefront position to maximise it since such other factors as personal character, political resources and media are playing role in this context. In this case, the failure to offer a candidate with the capacity to tackle urban problems makes urban voters unlikely to be on their side, although they share the similar religious identity.   

2021 ◽  
pp. 87-115
Author(s):  
Johannes Bergh ◽  
Dag Arne Christensen ◽  
Tor Helge Holmås

Voter turnout in the Norwegian local election of 2019 rose from the previous election by about 5 percentage points, to 65 percent, which is higher than any other local election since 1991. Another unusual feature of the 2019 election was the implementation of a much-debated and politically contentious municipal amalgamation reform. Voters in municipalities that were to be merged on January 1st, 2020, voted in the new municipal councils in the election. Consequently, a key question in this chapter is whether or not a link exists between the rise in turnout and the municipal reform. We start, however, by looking at turnout more broadly. Who votes in local elections, and who abstains? By using sampled panel data from the Norwegian electoral roll that covers five consecutive elections, we find that habitual voters tend to be highly educated and middle-aged. The permanent abstainers constitute 9 percent of the electorate, and they often have immigrant backgrounds and no higher education. The analyses of the municipal reform reveal no overall significant effect on turnout. Small municipalities that were merged saw some rise in turnout, relative to larger merged municipalities. Indications are that the political issues that dominated the campaign had a mobilizing effect. Two large-scale government initiated get-out-the-vote efforts likely played some role in getting people to the polls.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dag I. Jacobsen ◽  
Anne S. Skomedal

How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-63
Author(s):  
Naomi R Williams

Abstract This article explores the shifting politics of the Racine, Wisconsin, working-class community from World War II to the 1980s. It looks at the ways Black workers’ activism influenced local politics and how their efforts played out in the 1970s and 1980s. Case studies show how an expansive view of the boundaries of the Racine labor community led to cross-sector labor solidarity and labor-community coalitions that expanded economic citizenship rights for more working people in the city. The broad-based working-class vision pursued by the Racine labor community influenced local elections, housing and education, increased the number of workers with the power of unions behind them, and improved Racine's economic and social conditions. By the 1980s, Racine's labor community included not only industrial workers but also members of welfare and immigrants’ rights groups, parents of inner-city students, social workers and other white-collar public employees, and local and state politicians willing to support a class-based agenda in the political arena. Worker activists’ ability to maintain and adapt their notion of a broad-based labor community into the late twentieth century shows how this community and others like it responded to the upheaval of the 1960s social movements by creating a broad and relatively successful concept of worker solidarity that also incorporated racial justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (68) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Antónia de Figueiredo Pires de Almeida

Abstract Introduction The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women’s access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Yoder

Homeowners and renters have participated in politics at different rates throughout American history, but does becoming a property owner motivate an individual to par- ticipate in local politics? I combine deed-level property records in California and Texas with an original dataset on individual comments in local city council meetings to study the role of property ownership in shaping costly forms of political behavior, and I document large inequalities in who participates at city council meetings. I also link property records to individual-level contribution records and administrative voter files and find that becoming a property owner increases an individual’s political activity. Over and above voting in local elections, property ownership motivates individuals to participate in local city council meetings and donate to candidates. These findings illustrate how the experience of homeownership leads property owners to become much more active in local politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
Dag Arne Christensen ◽  
Jo Saglie ◽  
Signe Bock Segaard

This introductory chapter presents some general features of the Norwegian Local Election Study of 2019. First, we take a close look at the conditions that shaped the 2019 local elections, especially the municipal amalgamation reform. The number of municipalities – 428 at the time of the 2015 local elections – had been reduced to 356 for the 2019 elections, and as a result, many voters cast their votes in a new, merged political unit – yet prior to the actual merger’s implementation. Next, we briefly review the history of the Norwegian Local Election Studies and then present the chapters in the book. The subsequent sections include a more detailed description of the data material on which the book is based and the voter survey in particular. We conclude with some reflections on the way ahead for Norwegian local election research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 704-738
Author(s):  
Michał Pierzgalski ◽  
Paweł Stępień

The adoption of new redistricting plans for the 2014 elections to local legislatures in Poland resulted in significant violations of the “one person, one vote” principle. This article shows the results of the first comparative study measuring within-country variation of voter inequality, using data from the 2014 Polish local elections to 1,200 commune or municipal councils, that is, local legislatures. Voter inequality is usually examined at the country or state level, while studies that take into account within-country variation of malapportionment, using local election data, are neglected by scholars. To put our research in a broader context, we compared levels of malapportionment in Poland with internationally recognized standards (contained, e.g., in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters issued by the Venice Commission) as to the acceptable levels of deviations from the “ideal” population, and also with empirical findings on the levels of voter inequality in other countries. We argue that the significant vote–value disparities in elections to commune councils in Poland result primarily from the disadvantages of the Polish 2011 Election Code. When it comes to local legislature elections in the vast majority of communes that are not the so-called county-status towns, the legally permitted deviation from the ideal district population ranges from +50 percent to −50 percent. Even considering the standards of redistricting for local elections, the interpretation of the “one person, one vote” principle is rather peculiar in Polish commune elections.


Significance Military and security personnel voted early on April 29, with a turnout of 12%. There are concerns that widespread apathy, coupled with a desire among the Tunisian electorate with the opportunity to express their dissatisfaction with the unity government’s performance, will dampen turnout and undermine the municipal councils from the outset. Impacts The local election results could cause parties to reassess campaign strategies for the 2019 general elections. Local governance will be effective only if adequate mechanisms are in place to transfer financial resources. The municipal elections present an opportunity for women and younger candidates.


2014 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-29
Author(s):  
Mattia Forni

This article provides a deep description about local politics in Rignano sull’Arno, a small village near Florence, focusing on the features of “red” territorial political subculture that have ceased to exist, as well as those that still remain a part of voters’ behaviour. To begin with, I will draw attention to the political and electoral history of the village since 1946; going on to describe the main traits of local electors, with reference to a survey that accounted for 1220 voters, carried out during the 2012 administrative elections. I will concentrate on social and demographic characteristics, searching for a link between these qualities and the electoral results. From here I will examine the voting patterns of the local population and the motives behind such voting behaviour. I will consider the main role played by candidate’s personal characteristics in infl uencing the voters, to the detriment of party identifi cation, political values and ideology, which are becoming less and less relevant. Further topics I will illustrate in this paper are the types of sources that people gathered their information from during the election campaign and the time at which they decided how to vote. Finally, electoral instability and the changes in voter’s behaviour between the last two local elections will be analysed.


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