Non-Partisan Candidates and Lists at Slovenian Local Elections, 1994-2010

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona Kukovic ◽  
Miro Hacek

The paper focuses on a lesser-known political phenomenon observed in Slovenia since the country gained its independence in 1991. At every local election since then, non-partisan candidates and lists—often called independent in the media—have been gaining more votes and increasing support. By analyzing the results of the last five local elections, we manifested that there are three origins of the success of these non-partisan candidates and lists. We also try to ascertain whether non-partisan candidates and lists are truly a product of an anti-party political culture, climate and movements, or whether they are simply another way for political parties to gain political power at local levels of government.

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110624
Author(s):  
Muchamad Ali Safa’at

This article analyzes the phenomenon of single candidates in Indonesia's 2020 local elections, where the number increased compared to the previous local elections. Although initially local elections with single candidates were not intended, by a ruling of the Constitutional Court a local election must still be carried out even if there is only a single pair of candidates. The number of single candidates has increased, as it becomes an easier and cheaper way to ensure victory, particularly for incumbents. This condition is strengthened by the culture of political parties that tend to provide support to candidates who possess a greater chance of winning in order to take control of the government and form political cartels. Although presently it has not been indicated that single candidates are a form of oligarchic rule and political dynasty, it may become an easy way to obtain political power.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


2009 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dag I. Jacobsen ◽  
Anne S. Skomedal

How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Ali Sahab

Voter turnout in local elections (pilkada) is a participation indicator. The local election in 2015 was different from the local elections pre-2015, as the local election in 2015 was held simultaneously. Regional electoral commissions (KPUD) gave candidates campaign facilities like posters, banners, and debates with the other candidates on local television. This socialisation was expected to increase voter turnout. The purpose of this research to ascertain the level of voter turnout in the local election held in 2015 in Lamongan, and whether it is increasing or declining.KPUD has a new role not only to do with socialisation, but KPUD must also print campaign props in line with the fairness principles. The research methods used in this study were a survey and multistage random sampling for the sampling technique. The voter turnout in the 2015 local election was just 60.47% lower than the voter turnout of the 2014 legislative election(Pileg) that reached 71%. In the local election, the emotional bond between the voters and candidates is more powerful than that in a legislativeelection, but in the Lamongan local election 2015, it was not positively correlated. There are two main factors that influence the decrease of voter turnout. First, is the material orientation of the voters (sangu). If they do not get“Sangu”, they will not vote and they prefer to work in the fields. Voters thought that leaving their job for the election should get them substitution money. Second, was the indication of cartel politics, embracing all political parties in Lamongan Regency, for them to support the same candidate who was still on duty, namely Fadeli, and two other candidates. The level of voter turnout is influenced by the material orientation of the voters and cartel politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iza Rumesten

The increase of regional chiefs who had been imprisoned for corruption makes Kemendagri (The Ministry of Home Affairs) issue a discourse to restore local elections to Parliament. Nevertheless, this discourse will not support the process of democracy in Indonesia. Instead, it pulls backwards into the era of the new order and causes any corrupt practices to move to other parties, from bribing people into Parliament. Hence what issued by the ministry is not the best solution. This paper discusses about how the correlation between direct local election and corruption behavior of regional chiefs. The solution to overcome this is done by changing the system ranging from political parties to the intensive monitoring involving active community over all government policies in regional level and the application of legal supremacy along with equality before the law firmly against corruption by impoverishment.Key words: politic of law, corruption, regional election


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Zaldi Rusnaedy ◽  
Fatma Fatma ◽  
Almuhajir Haris

The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.


Author(s):  
Murdiansyah Herman ◽  
Muhammad Uhaib As’ad

This article analyses the political drama of the fall Soeharto's government in May 1998, after 32 years in   power, has made a new era of this country democratic life. The fall of the Soeharto’s government which gave  to a new era of democratization has changed of political landscape from the authoritarian system to the transition of democracy.  The democratic transition has had an impact on the almost uncontrollable political dynamics. It also provides an opportunity for central and local political actors to consolidate power and reposition themselves to capture of  power institutions  and democratic institutions through contestation of local elections. In the capitalization   democracy,   political pragmatism structured in democratic behavior has spawned the costly cost of democracy. Therefore, it has become a fact in the current reality of democracy that political actors who occupy the stage of democracy are people who have capital (money) or background as entrepreneurs. The involvement of mine bosses in the local elections in South Kalimantan as sponsors of political fund or as candidats local rulers has spawned a black market of democracy characterized by political concessions and transactions through a network of political patronage. South Kalimantan is known as a coal mining product, mining issues in the local election became political marketing to   build political  patronage networks   among local actors. In the context of open competition in local elections, the issue of political funding becomes the most crucial in the democratic transition. The political brokers will position themselves as shadow government after local election in government and become as a controler  in policy government, especially mining policy. The mine bosses have of  bergaining position in the political landscape and political patronage network to place the people who occupy the position of the local head by   power money and oligarchy of political party. The heads of political parties or political elites in South Kalimantan are majority as  mine bosses. Thus, the existence of political parties has been taken drive by capitalist . The cartelization politiacal parties became clearer in the lead up to the elections in which party institutions had become the arena of conspiracy between party regimes and local ruling candidates or local power.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah F. Anzia

Eighty percent of American cities today hold their general elections on different days than state and national elections. It is an established fact that voter turnout in these off-cycle local elections is far lower than turnout in local elections held concurrently with state and national elections. In this paper, I demonstrate that the timing of city elections has been an important determinant of voter turnout since before the Civil War. By examining three large American cities over the course of the nineteenth century, I find that American political parties regularly manipulated the timing of city elections to secure an edge over their rivals. I show that the decisions to change the election dates of these cities were contentious, partisan, and motivated by an expectation of subsequent electoral gain. The Progressive municipal reformers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries continued in this tradition when they separated city elections from state and national elections, and the local election schedule they implemented has largely persisted until today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
A.V. TOLOCHKO ◽  
◽  
V.A. MATVIENKO ◽  

The purpose of the study is to analyze the specifics of constructing the image of political parties in modern world media discourse practices. Achievement of this goal by the authors of this article determines the formulation of a number of important tasks, for the solution of which, first of all, the study of the image-making of political organizations is carried out, which is of interest to representatives of various worldview and social groups. The article examines the algorithm for constructing the image of parties and party coalitions, identifies the factors influencing their modifications. The authors determine the most effective strategies and tactics that influence the formation of a positive image during the electoral process, conduct a detailed analysis of the communication tools that generate a highly effective image of political parties using both traditional media practitioners and modern Internet agrigers. The work analyzes the main and auxiliary resources that have a multifaceted impact on the collaboration of party forces and their leaders with the media in the process of creating the given images, and broadcasting information to the target audience. As a result, a conclusion is made about the discursiveness of the image-making technologies existing in the media space, the presence of convergences and antinomies in them.


Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


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