scholarly journals Assessing the Evolution of Maritime Strategy in the Asia Pacific

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Buddy Suseto ◽  
Zarina Othman ◽  
Farizal Mohd Razalli

The end of the Cold War has provided an opportunity for scholars to do an in-depth study on the concept of maritime security, especially in the Asia Pacific region. One of the most important but often neglected concepts is maritime strategy which has been developing for centuries. Maritime strategy is designed for states’ survival and to protect their national interests. Nevertheless there is no ‘one size fits all’ concept. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyse the similarities and differences between continental states such as the United States, and India, and maritime states such as Indonesia, Japan, Australia, and Singapore in implementing their maritime strategy. In an attempt to present the results, we have reviewed secondary data mainly from the literature written by scholars in the field. Preliminary findings suggests that countries, either continental or maritime states, designed their maritime strategy for national security reasons. States aim to survive in the unknown international political arena. However, domestic and socioeconomic factors such as economic growth, geostrategic interest as well as nature of threats, may have shaped differences among states’ maritime strategy. The emerging non-traditional threats such narcotic trafficking, terrorism and human smuggling, have contributed to the threats for many states, this further justifies the importance of maritime strategy.

2019 ◽  
pp. 10-39
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Robb ◽  
David James Gill

This chapter presents a broad survey of events from the end of World War II through to the early years of the Cold War. During the course of World War II, the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand established unprecedented levels of strategic cooperation. Such cooperation, however, should not obscure the existence of significant and persistent differences during and after the conflict. All four states held different views about the future of security and economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific. The chapter then contrasts U.S., British, Australian, and New Zealand national interests as well as regional objectives in the Asia-Pacific to show that postwar relations between all four states were not always conducive to future cooperation. Indeed, differences in national interests, military capabilities, economic preferences, domestic-political contexts, and security concerns repeatedly undermined cooperation in the Asia-Pacific. These competing national interests would come to weaken and confuse their response to the rising Communist challenge in the Asia-Pacific.


2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph A. Cossa ◽  
Brad Glosserman ◽  
Michael A. McDevitt ◽  
Nirav Patel ◽  
James Przystup ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
Ruvislei Gonzalez Saez

The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.


Author(s):  
M. V. Ulchenko ◽  

Currently, the Asia-Pacific market is a priority goal for almost all major producers of liquefied natural gas(LNG). This is due to the relatively high price that local consumers are willing to pay, as well as the accelerated growth rate of natural gas consumption. At the same time, China is the main driver of growth in demand for LNGin the world, has concluded a trade agreement with the United States, which involves the purchase of energy resources worth more than $ 52 billion over two years. Given the decline in LNG prices, as well as increased competition, the issue of the prospects for sales of Russian Arctic gas on the market of the Asia-Pacific region becomes particularly relevant.The study provides a generalized assessment of the needs of the main importers of LNG ––China, South Korea and Japan, with a planning horizon of 4–5 years. The relatively high growth rates of the economy, partial rejection of nuclear energy, struggle to improve the environmental situation, as well as the desire to diversify supply routes explain the needs of the countries in the Asia-Pacific region for additional volumes of LNGin the near future. The analysis showed that both Japan and South Korea are interested in increasing the volume of imports of Russian arctic LNG, whose key advantages over most competitors are the price and relative proximity of sales markets. At the same time, the reduction in the number of operating gas drilling rigs in the United States indicates that it will not be possible to maintain the growth rate of LNG production at the level of 2018 and 2019.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-76
Author(s):  
Tatyana I. Ponka ◽  
Anna S. Yuniushkina ◽  
Ivan R. Dubrovsky

The Article is devoted to the humanitarian cooperation between Russia and Vietnam in 1991-2019. Currently, Russia and Vietnam are united by the desire to structure the regional subsystem through joint participation in economic integration and strengthening the security system in the Asia-Pacific region. In this regard, the question of how Russia and Vietnam build bilateral relations, characterized as a comprehensive strategic partnership, is becoming more and more relevant. The most interesting is the humanitarian aspect of relations, since in the modern realities of globalization, in addition to the military and economic aspects of bilateral interaction between States that claim a significant role in the system of international relations, it is humanitarian imperatives that acquire special significance. By promoting their national culture in the partner country and developing bilateral ties in the fields of education, science, information, sports and tourism, the countries strengthen their bilateral relations, which allows them to coordinate their actions more confidently and realize their national interests at the global and regional levels. The purpose of the article is to identify trends in Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian relations in 1991-2019. To achieve this goal, an analysis of the legal framework of humanitarian relations between Russia and Vietnam was conducted, as well as the content of humanitarian relations between the two countries in the field of education, culture and humanitarian contacts. The authors considered the significance of the studied segment of bilateral relations in the national political and expert-analytical discourses of Russia and Vietnam. The article notes the existence of historical and organizational potential necessary for implementation in the Russian-Vietnamese humanitarian dialogue. The authors conclude that the humanitarian aspect plays an important role, since it is an integral part of bilateral relations and a promising component of the implementation of national interests.


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