scholarly journals Challenges, Cooperation and Paradoxes in the Coca Cocaine Complex

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
Mariá De Los Ángeles Lasa
Keyword(s):  
Social Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
South American ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
American States ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Eu

The coca-cocaine complex in South America is one of the most serious threats to the region’s political, economic and social institutions. It has infected the public and private sectors with the virus of corruption and violence, and it has brought about the intervention of extra-regional actors that have contributed to worsening the situation. In the fight against this threat since the 1970s, South American countries have had the support of the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) which, these being the world’s largest consumers of cocaine in the world, has become the source of a vicious paradox: the challenges for South American states arise not only from the coca-cocaine complex itself, but also from the cooperation of those world superpowers in the fight against it. This paper analyses both the cooperation among drug actors –an issue that has historically been overlooked–, and the previously mentioned paradox in the case of South American states and the EU.

scholarly journals World trade and regional trade orientation in the context of forthcoming transatlantic trade and investment partnership

Equilibrium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Czarny ◽  
Paweł Folfas
Keyword(s):  
World Trade ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
The World ◽  
Trade And Investment ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Eu

We analyse potential consequences of the forthcoming Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States (TTIP) for trade orientation of both partners. We do it so with along with the short analysis of the characteristics of the third wave of regionalism and the TTIP position in this process as well as the dominant role of the EU and the U.S. in the world economy – especially – in the world trade. Next, we study trade orientation of the hypothetical region created in result of TTIP. We use regional trade introversion index (RTII) to analyze trade between the EU and the U.S. that has taken place until now to get familiar with the potential changes caused by liberalization of trade between both partners. We analyze RTII for mutual trade of the EU and the U.S. Then, we apply disaggregated data to analyze and compare selected partial RTII (e.g. for trade in final and intermediate goods as well as goods produced in the main sectors of economy like agriculture or manufacturing). The analysis of the TTIP region’s orientation of trade based on the historical data from the period 1999-2012 revealed several conclusions. Nowadays, the trade between the EU and the U.S. is constrained by the protection applied by both partners. Trade liberalization constituting one necessary part of TTIP will surely help to intensify this trade. The factor of special concern is trade of agricultural products which is most constrained and will hardly be fully liberalized even within a framework of TTIP. Simultaneously, both parties are even now trading relatively intensively with intermediaries, which are often less protected than the average of the economy for the sake of development of final goods’ production. The manufactured goods are traded relatively often as well, mainly in consequence of their poor protection after many successful liberalization steps in the framework of GATT/WTO. Consequently, we point out that in many respects the TTIP will be important not only for its participants, but for the whole world economy as well. TTIP appears to be an economic and political project with serious consequences for the world economy and politics.

scholarly journals The potentials for Political and Economic Development of Kosovo

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
MSc. Ngadhnjim Brovina ◽  
MSc. Adnan Hoxha
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Natural Resources ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Public Companies ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Eu

It is rather clear that it is mandatory to understand the potentials of growth for any economy to grow. With globalization taking place, countries in general, have intensified their political, economic and social integration. Kosovo, as the youngest state in Europe, is about to transform from a devastated economy into a developing one. It has not yet been able to tap on its natural resources and neither of its potentials for a faster economic growth. Its backbone economic sectors such as agriculture, textile, mining and metal sectors are still on their initial stages of revitalization, while the privatization of the public companies has not met its expectations.Whereas, Kosovo is doing a better job on, as its international presence and subjectivity of its political status (Independence) is strengthened. More and more countries are recognizing it as a sovereign country, while the recent initiation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the European Union, Kosovo is undergoing through its structural reforms and alliance with the EU standards and regulations.The future of Kosovo, like of any country, will depend on the way that its human, financial and natural resources are utilized. On this regard, this paper is an attempt to explore the potentials of the economic growth on different political contexts that Kosovo has and is expected to undergo.

Privacy Concerns for Ubiquitous Data Aggregation and Storage

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jarrod M. Rifkind ◽  
Seymour E. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
World Bank ◽  
High Performance ◽  
Business Models ◽  
The United States ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Personal Lives ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World

Information technology has drastically changed the ways in which individuals are accounted for and monitored in societies. Over the past two decades, the United States and other countries worldwide have seen a tremendous increase in the number of individuals with access to the Internet. Data collected by the World Bank shows that 17.5 of every 100 people in the world had access to the Internet in 2006, and this number increased to 23.2 in 2008, 29.5 in 2010, and 32.8 in 2011 (World Bank 2012). According to the latest Cisco traffic report, Internet traffic exceeded 30 exabytes (1018 bytes) per month in 2011 and is expected to reach a zettabyte (1021 bytes) per month by 2015 (Cisco Systems 2011). Activities on the Web are no longer limited to seemingly noncontroversial practices like e-mail. The sheer growth of the Internet as a medium for communication and information sharing as well as the development of large, high-performance data centers have made it easier and less expensive for companies and governments to aggregate large amounts of data generated by individuals. Today, many people’s personal lives can be pieced together relatively easily according to their search histories and the information that they provide on social networking websites such as Facebook and Twitter. Therefore, technological breakthroughs associated with computing raise important questions regarding information security and the role of privacy in society. As individuals begin using the Internet for e-commerce, e-government, and a variety of other services, data about their activities has been collected and stored by entities in both the public and private sectors. For the private sector, consumer activities on the Internet provide lucrative information about user spending habits that can then be used to generate targeted advertisements. Companies have developed business models that rely on the sale of such information to third-party entities, whether they are other companies or the federal government. As for the public sector, data collection occurs through any exchange a government may have with its citizens.

scholarly journals Assessment of Biotechnology Policies and International Trade in Key Markets for U.S. Agriculture

2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary A. Marchant ◽  
Baohui Song
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Markets ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Department Of Agriculture ◽  
Agricultural Exports ◽  
Biotechnology Research ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The World ◽  
The Eu

The United States leads the world in agricultural biotechnology research, adoption, commercialization, and exports. Our biotech commodities are highly dependent on international markets. Thus, any biotech policy changes by key importing countries may affect U.S. agricultural biotech product exports. This article identifies key markets for U.S. agricultural exports including biotech commodities and discusses current and proposed biotech policies in key markets for U.S. agricultural exports focusing on Canada, Mexico, Japan, the European Union (EU), and China. Among these markets, labeling of biotech products is voluntary in Canada and Mexico but is mandatory in Japan, the EU, and, most recently, in China. For the EU, U.S. corn exports were almost completely shut out, while U.S. soybean exports also declined because of the EU's biotech policies. The World Trade Organization dispute filed by the United States has yet to be finalized. China's biotech regulations raised concern by U.S. agricultural exporters. However, through U.S. Department of Agriculture education programs, U.S.–China negotiations, and China's domestic soybean shortage, China's biotech regulations do not appear to have had long-run impacts on U.S. soybean exports to China.

“Imagined Territory: The Republic of China’s 1955 Veto of Mongolian Membership in the United Nations”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-295
Author(s):  
Keith Allan Clark II
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic

In 1955, Jiang Tingfu, representing the Republic of China (roc), vetoed Mongolia’s entry into the United Nations. In the 26 years the roc represented China in the United Nations, it only cast this one veto. The roc’s veto was a contentious move because Taipei had recognized Mongolia as a sovereign state in 1946. A majority of the world body, including the United States, favored Mongolia’s admission as part of a deal to end the international organization’s deadlocked-admissions problem. The roc’s veto placed it not only in opposition to the United Nations but also its primary benefactor. This article describes the public and private discourse surrounding this event to analyze how roc representatives portrayed the veto and what they thought Mongolian admission to the United Nations represented. It also examines international reactions to Taipei’s claims and veto. It argues that in 1955 Mongolia became a synecdoche for all of China that Taipei claimed to represent, and therefore roc representatives could not acknowledge it as a sovereign state.

The White Working Class

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Gest
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
Group Consciousness ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
Political Economic

In recent years, the world has been re-introduced to the constituency of “white working class” people. In a wave of revolutionary populism, far right parties have scored victories across the transatlantic political world: Britain voted to leave the European Union, the United States elected President Donald Trump to enact an “America First” agenda, and Radical Right movements are threatening European centrists in elections across the Continent. In each case, white working class people are driving a broad reaction to the inequities and social change brought by globalization, and its cosmopolitan champions. In the midst of this rebellion, a new group consciousness has emerged among the very people who not so long ago could take their political, economic, and cultural primacy for granted. Who are white working class people? What do they believe? Are white working class people an “interest group”? What has driven them to break so sharply with the world’s trajectory toward a more borderless, interconnected meritocracy? How can a group with such enduring power feel marginalized? This perplexing constituency must be understood if the world is to address and respond to the social and political backlash they are driving. The White Working Class: What Everyone Needs to Know® provides the context for understanding the politics of this large, perplexing group of people. The book begins by explaining what “white working class” means in terms of demographics, history, and geography, as well as the ways in which this group defines itself and has been defined by others. It will address whether white identity is on the rise, why white people perceive themselves as marginalized, and the roles of racism and xenophobia in white consciousness. It will also look at whether the white working class has distinct political attitudes, their voting behavior, and their prospects for the future. This accessible book provides a nuanced view into the forces driving one of the most complicated and consequential political constituencies today.

scholarly journals The European Union’s existential crisis: current challenges from populism to Donald Trump

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
Rita De Sousa Costa ◽  
Tiago Sérgio Cabral
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Existential Crisis ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The World ◽  
Near Future ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Eu

2016 was marked by the rise of populism and isolationism around the world. The European Union is losing a Member State for the first time, after the British voted to leave in their “Brexit” referendum. Across the Atlantic, Donald Trump was elected President of the United States, causing concern amongst European leaders. In the remaining Member States, populist and Eurosceptic political forces are becoming more relevant, further endangering the integrity of the European Union. In this paper, we analyse the motives behind the European Union’s “existential crisis”, which is arguably, one of the most significant challenges the EU will face in its near future. We conclude that the European Union must reform in order to regain their citizens’ trust and reinforce democracy.

Regulating Medical Devices in the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aurélie Mahalatchimy
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Medical Devices ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
European Regulatory ◽  
Notified Body ◽  
Private Actors ◽  
Intended Use ◽  
The Eu

This chapter addresses the regulation of medical devices in the European Union. The overall goals of the European regulatory framework for medical devices are the same as the goals of the framework for medicines. It aims to protect public health by ensuring that medical devices are of good quality and safe for their intended use. However, the regulation of medical devices in Europe is very different from the regulation of medicines in two regards. First, unlike medicines, there is no pre-market authorisation by a regulatory authority for medical devices to lawfully enter the EU market. Second, unlike in the United States where the Food and Drug Administration is the primary regulator of devices throughout the nation, the European Union does not have a single regulator of medical devices. Instead, several organisations may be involved, and mainly a notified body in specific cases. The chapter then explains what constitutes a medical device in the EU and how devices are classified according to their level of risk in the EU. It then discusses how medical devices reach the market, how their risks are managed all along their lifecycle, and what kinds of incentives are provided for innovation and competition. The chapter also analyses the balance between public and private actors in the regulation of medical devices. It then concludes with case studies of innovative medical technologies that have challenged the traditional European regulatory scheme and that have led to many revisions in the 2017 device regulations.

scholarly journals Micro Nudges: A Systems Approach to Health

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-596
Author(s):  
Dan Buettner
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Systems Approach ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Population Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health And Wellness ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
Improve Health

The secret to longevity and healthier communities lies in a systems-level lifestyle-based approach. There are currently 5 regions across the world where people live relatively longer, healthier, and happier lives. Taking lessons from these areas, dubbed “blue zones,” we can help improve health and wellness at the population level. There are already cases of these Blue Zones Projects implemented in communities across the United States, which have had demonstrable, positive impacts on public health. Collaboration between the public and private sectors at the local level can make these changes to improve lifestyles and reduce the burden of chronic diseases on the healthcare system.

The World Trade Organization and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Ladefoged Mortensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
The World ◽  
Sustainable Trade ◽  
The Eu

In a time of trade wars, free trade skepticism, tech rivalry, and multipolar disorder, the European Union (EU) cannot evade its responsibilities the last defender of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Yet, it raises the question of whether the EU has power to defend the WTO. The EU is a multilateralist-oriented power of global magnitude. Unlike the United States, the EU is openly defending the WTO in the current crisis created by continued refusal to appointment WTO Appellate Body members. Like the United States, the EU is concerned with the illegitimate trade practices of China. Yet, the EU uses diplomatic pressure on China within the rules of the WTO. The EU is actively trying to rescue the rule-based trade system. Yet, it cannot do so alone. It needs support, not just form other WTO members but also from within Europe itself. The current crisis is in part rooted in the inability of the WTO members to update the WTO rulebook. The focus will be on the potential clash between a more assertive EU on sustainability and the absence of updated WTO rules on sustainable trade issues. This may force the EU to confront a deep-rooted policy dilemma. The question is whether the EU should continue to refrain from using its market power to promote sustainable trade in respect of the WTO. As the EU is about to ratify several bilateral trade agreements of commercial, geo-economic, and indeed geo-political importance, such as the EU–Mercosur or EU–Vietnam agreements, the rule-orientation of the EU faces growing domestic opposition as well as external contestation. Furthermore, the EU is modernizing its trade defense weaponry, the antidumping instrument, and has recently declared its intent to impose unilateral climate-related trade policy measures, the carbon-adjustment tariff, in the future. Thus, an incident such as the burning of the Amazon forest may force the EU to take a tougher stance on sustainability at the risk of bringing the EU on a collision course with the WTO itself, its rules, process, and member states. Consequently, the complex setup of the EU as a trade power could make it difficult to ratify WTO-compatible trade agreements in the future.

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