scholarly journals Penolakan Dominika Terhadap Pemberlakuan Mata Uang SUCRE

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-253
Author(s):  
Selviana Lailil Maghfiroh
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Objectives

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui mengapa Dominika membuat kebijakan untuk menolak mata uang SUCRE. Mata uang tersebut merupakan sebuah regional currency yang telah dicetuskan oleh ALBA untuk mengurangi ketergantungan terhadap dolar AS. ALBA menganggap SUCRE sangat penting untuk diikuti oleh para anggotanya karena akan memberikan manfaat secara ekonomis. Penelitian ini menjelaskan keputusan Dominika menolak integrasi moneter SUCRE yang dianalisis dari berbagai faktor internal dan eksternal berdasarkan teori The Formulation of Foreign Policy Objectives oleh Keith R. Legg dan James F. Morisson. Artikel ini menggunakan metode eksplanatif kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data sekunder dalam prosesnya. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa keputusan Dominika tidak menerapkan SUCRE sebagai regional currency dipengaruhi faktor internal dan eksternal. Faktor internal tersebut yaitu: 1) Jika Dominika mengadopsi mata uang tersebut maka akan bertentangan dengan keanggotaannya di OECS, 2) Keadaan ekonomi Dominika yang rendah membuat negara tersebut tidak dapat memenuhi persyaratan di SUCRE yang berdampak pada ketidakleluasaan untuk mempengaruhi kebijakan moneter terhadap mata uang tersebut. Selain itu, faktor eksternal yang juga menjadi pertimbangan terbatasnya pangsa pasar dominika di SUCRE.

Freedom Tide? Ideology, Politics, and the Origins of Democracy Promotion in U.S. Central America Policy, 1980–1984

2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 60-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan McCormick
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Dramatic Shift

The Reagan administration came to power in 1981 seeking to downplay Jimmy Carter's emphasis on human rights in U.S. policy toward Latin America. Yet, by 1985 the administration had come to justify its policies towards Central America in the very same terms. This article examines the dramatic shift that occurred in policymaking toward Central America during Ronald Reagan's first term. Synthesizing existing accounts while drawing on new and recently declassified material, the article looks beyond rhetoric to the political, intellectual, and bureaucratic dynamics that conditioned the emergence of a Reaganite human rights policy. The article shows that events in El Salvador suggested to administration officials—and to Reagan himself—that support for free elections could serve as a means of shoring up legitimacy for embattled allies abroad, while defending the administration against vociferous human rights criticism at home. In the case of Nicaragua, democracy promotion helped to eschew hard decisions between foreign policy objectives. The history of the Reagan Doctrine's contentious roots provides a complex lens through which to evaluate subsequent U.S. attempts to foster democracy overseas.

Power-loss or power-transition? Assessing the limits of using the energy sector in reviving Russia’s geopolitical stature

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Mohsin Hashim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Energy Sector ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Paper Briefly ◽  
Strategic Resources ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Oil And Natural Gas ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Gorbachev Era

The paper seeks to evaluate the scope and limits of the Russian state’s capacity to use oil and natural gas as strategic resources to revive Russia’s fortunes as a credible global power. It offers an analysis of the evolution of state-markets interactions in the energy sector from the late Gorbachev era to the present day. The paper briefly documents how Russian foreign policy became more assertive using energy as a strategic resource, particularly in crafting its relations with the European Union. Subsequently, the paper analyzes Russia’s limits of using energy as leverage in securing foreign policy objectives. Finally, it points to the impediments to normalizing a Russo-EU energy dialog.

What Biden may bring to the Eastern Mediterranean Region

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Winter 2021) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Soliman Al-Zawawy
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Mediterranean Region ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Region ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Bilateral Approach ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This paper aims to forecast the route that Joe Biden, will take in his foreign policy toward the Eastern Mediterranean, by trying to analyze the content of his speeches and rhetoric before and shortly after taking office. In this context, America’s relation to Turkey will be pivotal in order to gauge the impact of any change in U.S. course. After four years of Trump’s doctrine of ‘America First’ and his bilateral approach, there are many expectations that the newly elected president will follow a more multilateral approach and will put more importance on international organizations and alliances across the Atlantic. Those expectations are more like wishes, however, when it comes to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is on the verge of a critical standoff between Turkey and its neighbors. There are some speculations that Biden will take a more affirmative stance against Turkey. Indeed, Biden has stressed the value of cooperating with allies to achieve foreign policy objectives. But despite the harsh language, Biden used during his election campaign to describe Turkey’s leadership, it is still unclear whether Biden will place the U.S. on a collision course with Turkey.

Prescriptive Jurisdiction over Foreign Fishing in the EEZ

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-175
Author(s):  
Camille Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
National Security ◽  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Law Of The Sea ◽  
Exclusive Jurisdiction ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
State Practice ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
United Nations Convention

This Chapter explores how coastal States use their prescriptive jurisdiction to regulate foreign fishing in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and how this implements, varies, or develops the framework established in the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOSC). It demonstrates that the formula established in the LOSC for regulating access to the living resources of the EEZ—the obligation to establish whether there is a surplus, the criteria to be applied in allocating any surplus to foreign States, and the terms and conditions that might be imposed on foreign vessels involved in extracting it—bears little similarity to the contemporary regulation of foreign fishing by coastal States. While this formula was intended to ensure a balance between the exclusive jurisdiction of coastal States and the interests of the international community, in practice it has proved poorly adapted to this task, and very few coastal States follow the specific mechanisms set out in the LOSC. Instead, the detailed analysis of State practice in this Chapter shows how coastal States use the broad discretions in the LOSC to pursue a wide range of economic, social, political, national security and foreign policy objectives, and adopt regulations that broaden the substantive, geographic, personal and temporal application of their influence.

Introduction

Build ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Mark Katz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
African American ◽  
Hip Hop ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Artistic Styles ◽  
African American Communities

The introduction explains why the partnership between hip hop diplomacy is unlikely and risky but also potentially productive. Hip hop is a powerful platform for US cultural diplomacy because it is globally popular, widely accessible, readily combined with a variety of artistic styles and practices, and immediately and positively associated with the United States. Hip hop diplomacy can serve US foreign policy objectives by enhancing the image of the United States and promoting US interests abroad. The introduction concludes with a reflection on the author’s identity as a white man and considers its implications for working in hip hop, a genre and culture that arose out of African American communities.

Southeast Asia: ASEAN and Its Communist Neighbors

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-17
Author(s):  
Gerald Franklin Hyman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Status ◽  
Policy Objectives

Seven years after the fall of Saigori and three and a half after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia/Kampuchea, Southeast Asia is an area in search of equilibrium. That search provides the key to understanding the relations between and among the various states in the region.Vietnam's foreign policy objectives have been fairly clear and in a sense straightforward, at least since 1979. It wants de jure recognition of the status quo; that is, of a unitary Vietnamese state (now widely granted) and of both the Heng Samrin government in Cambodia and the Kaysone government in Laos (far less widely granted). Vietnam says it is seeking a normalization of relations with ASEAN and China for itself and on behalf of the other two Indochinese governments.

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