scholarly journals Student science publishing: an exploratory study of undergraduate science research journals and popular science magazines in the US and Europe

2008 ◽  
Vol 07 (03) ◽  
pp. A03 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mico Tatalovic

Science magazines have an important role in disseminating scientific knowledge into the public sphere and in discussing the broader scope affected by scientific research such as technology, ethics and politics. Student-run science magazines afford opportunities for future scientists, communicators, politicians and others to practice communicating science. The ability to translate ‘scientese’ into a jargon-free discussion is rarely easy: it requires practice, and student magazines may provide good practice ground for undergraduate and graduate science students wishing to improve their communication skills.

2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov H. Levin

Recent studies indicate that partisan electoral interventions, a situation where a foreign power tries to determine the election results in another country, can have significant effects on the election results in the targeted country as well as other important influences. Nevertheless, research on this topic has been hindered by a lack of systematic data of electoral interventions. In this article, I introduce the Partisan Electoral Intervention by the Great Powers dataset (PEIG), which provides data on all such interventions by the US and the USSR/Russia between 1946 and 2000. After describing the dataset construction process, I note some interesting patterns in the data, a few of which stand in contrast to claims made about electoral interventions in the public sphere and give an example of PEIG’s utility. I then describe some applications of PEIG for research on electoral interventions in particular and for peace research in general.


Author(s):  
Margit Cohn

The executive branch in Western democracies has been handed a virtually impossible task. Expected to ‘imperially’ direct the life of the nation through thick and thin, it is concurrently required to be subservient to legislation meted out by a sovereign parliament. Drawing on a general argument from constitutional theory that prioritizes dispersal of power over concepts of hierarchy, the book argues that the tension between the political dominance of the executive branch and its submission to law is maintained by the adoption of various forms of fuzziness, under which a guise of legality masks the absence of substantive limitation of power. Under this 'internal tension' model, the executive branch is concurrently subservient to law and dominant over it, while concepts of substantive legality are compromised. Drawing on legal and political science research, the book classifies and analyses thirteen forms of fuzziness, ranging from open-ended or semi-written constitutions to unapplied legislation. The study of this unavoidable yet problematic feature of the public sphere is addressed descriptively and normatively. Adding detailed examples from two fields of law, emergency and air-pollution law, in two systems (the UK and the US), the book ends with a call for raising the threshold of judicial review, grounded in theories of participatory and deliberative democracy. This innovative book, concerned with an area that has been surprisingly under-researched on a general level beyond extensive studies of national executives, offers a theoretical foundation that should ground all analyses of the arguably most powerful branch of modern government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Jarosz

Wernher von Braun and Mikhail Tikhonravov had the nature of their scientific roles shown through their connections to popular science media in the countries where they worked during the 1950s. Von Braun’s background was reflected through the edutainment of three Disneyland episodes, and Tikhonravov was unique in his association with Soviet popular science magazines. Their personal interests in relation to their work could also be shown through their interactions with the public sphere.


Author(s):  
Ann Brooks

This book is a socio-historical analysis of the relationship between women, politics and the public sphere. It looks at the legacy of eighteenth-century intellectual groupings which were dominated by women such as members of the ‘bluestocking circles’ and other more radical intellectual and philosophical thinkers such as Catherine Macaulay and Mary Wollstonecraft. These individuals and groups which emerged in the eighteenth century established ‘intellectual spaces’ for the emergence of women public intellectuals in subsequent centuries. Women public intellectuals in the US examined in the book include Samantha Power, Anne-Marie Slaughter, Elizabeth Warren, Condoleezza Rice, Susan Rice, Hillary Clinton, and Sheryl Sandberg. The implications for the political representation of women in the West and globally is considered, highlighting how women public intellectuals now reflect much more social and cultural diversity. The book is about the fault-lines established in the eighteenth century for later developments in social and political discourse.


Author(s):  
Eric B. White

The Afterword consolidates the book’s arguments about the spatial practices of the techno-bathetic avant-gardes, who harnessed the semantic power of technology to critique its broader cultural contexts. It extends Chapter 5’s discussion of Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man by exploring how the unnamed protagonist critiqued the technicities by which white hegemonies sustained cultural dominance, while simultaneously introducing alternative approaches. As in other chapters, the Afterword locates the technological sublime at the root of this dominance; Ellison not only exposes the potent grip that its servile dialectics exert on Western imaginations, but also the bathetic contexts of their articulation in culture, which are often repressed. For Ellison, as for Gilbert Simondon, this occlusion is exemplified by the ‘robot’, a cultural creation that fuses technical discourses in engineering with industrial alienation and narratives of the technological sublime. By exposing the means by which techno-servility entered culture, and yoking it to racial difference, Ellison ‘plung[es] outside history’ to engender new modes of technological agency, in the US and beyond. The Afterword argues that Ellison’s diachronic strategies exemplify the task of techno-bathetic avant-gardes: to perform an intermediary critique of the technological sublime before introducing alternative, emancipatory narratives, which can gain traction in the public sphere.


Sociology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Brennan ◽  
Diana Stypinska

Religion in the public sphere (hereafter RPS) refers to the intermingling of religion with issues of politics, governance, the state, and institutions of civil society. That it is a topic of interest to academics across the humanities and social sciences is itself a reflection of the gradual separation—over many centuries—of religion from public affairs in modern, largely secular, societies of the West. The readmission of religion to the public sphere raises several key issues, not least around secularization (and the extent to which religion has been disassociated from public life and policymaking), but also about the resurgence of religious conservatism as an attempt to close the gap opened up in modernity between religion and politics. The renewal of interest in religion as a social, cultural, and political force—a feature of what some are now calling the “post-secular”—has proved especially contentious in diverse, multifaith liberal democracies, where attempts to divorce religion from public life can be seen to undermine the inclusion of religious minorities and the expression of religious identities. Academic interest in the intersection between religion and public life has been concentrated largely among sociologists (of religion) and political scientists. The revival of religion in the public sphere confounds a widely held assumption among modern social and political theorists; namely, that religion would wither as a feature of public life as societies underwent a process of modernization—and where religion continued to exist at all, it would be confined to the private, domestic sphere and that of individual belief. Particular interest has been generated by controversies that expose the vexed nature of attempts to limit or bar the admission of religion in public life; such as the 1962 ruling by the US Supreme Court removing prayer from public schools (in the spirit of the First Amendment of the US Constitution), or, more recently, the banning of religious headscarves (and other “ostentatious” symbols of religion) from public schools in 2004 by the French authorities (in the spirit of secularism—or laïcité) enshrined in Article 1 of the French Constitution). Attempts to undo the “wall of separation” between religion and state first envisioned by Thomas Jefferson can be seen in attempts by American religious conservatives to overturn “progressive” legislation on abortion, gay rights, and same-sex marriage. Recent opposition in the United Kingdom by Muslim conservatives to LGBT education in public schools illustrates the sensitivities and tensions surrounding expressions of RPS in contemporary Western societies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Robert van Putten ◽  
Patrick Overeem ◽  
Ronald van Steden

AbstractSince 9/11 Jürgen Habermas has paid considerable attention to religion in the public sphere. He has described contemporary Western societies as ‘post-secular’, arguing that believers and non-believers should show a mutually cooperative attitude and engage in complementary learning processes. Although public theologians have urged for policies that would encourage such collaboration, public administration scholars and practitioners seem to have completely neglected this call. In this article we inquire into the possibility of a ‘post-secular public administration’, which grants a more significant place to beneficial forms of religion in modern societies. By presenting a case study on Street Pastors in the British night-time economy we offer an example of both a post-secular religious contribution to the public sphere, as envisaged by Habermas, and a piece of post-secular empirical social science research. Finally, we critically assess Habermas’ post-secular turn within the context of a cross-narrative between public theology and public administration.


Author(s):  
Alexandros Passiatas

The impeachment process, which is constitutionally based, provides a legislative mechanism for investigating possible illegal acts from the President, the Vice President, and other civil officers of the United States. The impeachment process needs the intervention of the House of the Representatives and the Senate. The House has the responsibility to make the initial research and to determine the possibility of an official's impeachment. If the House decides that this is appropriate, the members of the House vote for the article or the articles of impeachment that explain the specific reasons upon which the impeachment is based. Then these facts and these reasons are presented to the Senate, which has the power to try all the impeachments. It is clear that the impeachment procedure is a very complex mechanism, and the US constitution gives only a skeletal guidance as to the nature of the proceedings letting the House and the Senate fill this void through their rules, procedures, and precedents. Impeachment is explored in this chapter.


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