scholarly journals TRIANGLE “RUSSIA-TURKEY-IRAN” IN THE CONTEXT OF US STRATEGY IN THE MIDDLE EAST

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-77
Author(s):  
Nuradin U Khanaliyev

The article is an attempt to identify and analyze some key principles of the US foreign policy in the Greater Middle East region, which, concurrently, factor into the rapprochement between Russia, Turkey and Iran in their opposition to the policies of the West as a whole and Washington in particular. The main attention is focused on the complex and controversial nature of the relations in the Russia- Turkey-Iran geopolitical triangle and, at the same time, the relations of each of the countries with the United States. As a result of the analysis, a conclusion was made that the very logic of Washington’s aggressive policy pushes the three countries to coordinate their efforts in ensuring national security and protecting national interests in the region. However, certain doubts were expressed regarding the possibilities of forming any strong long-term alliance between the three of them.

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Karolina Adamska-Płocic

The objective of the article is to analyze the anti-American sentiment in international relations. A chronological systematization of particular stages of the development of anti-Americanism aims to illustrate its evolution and the constantly changing perception of the United States by representatives of different cultural circles. It is worth emphasizing that while European anti-Americanism is based mainly on the philosophical foundations, the Islamic anti-Americanism has its roots mainly in the negative assessment of US foreign policy towards the Middle East region. The first strong wave of anti-Americanism flooded the Middle East in 1967 when the US supported Jews during the six-day war. Each subsequent conflict in the Arab world with US involvement only deepens the antagonisms that have persisted since then. Followers of Islam also have objections towards the culture of the United States, which is to be shallow and expansive. It is worth emphasizing, however, that the anti-American sentiment grew and evolved simultaneously with the state that was being formed, which is why it is not possible to recall only one specific reason that causes the country to have as many opponents. While nineteenth century polemics consisted of almost purely theoretical considerations about the superiority of the Old World over the New World, the reality of twenty-first century terror based on hatred for the US, requires serious actions from American diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mohamed Kamal ◽  
Khalid Hashim Mohammed

The Middle East region is no longer enjoys the relative importance for the United States. This was due to the massive discoveries of Shale oil in the United States. Many analysts believe that such discovery led to the decline of the US interest in the Middle East and shifting the orientation towards Asia because of the growing importance of the Southeast Asia in the global economy. The United States, in return, has re-defined the role and the size of involvement in the Middle East by adopting a new strategy based on reducing economic and military consequences resulting from the direct investment in the region, which is rejected by US public opinion.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Ghaleb Mohi

The American occupation of Iraq in 2003 represented a detailed event whose repercussions and repercussions affected not only the level of changing the Iraqi political system, but this event had geo-political and strategic long-term dimensions, as the United States of America was able to redraw the paths of the Middle East region again, in line with The strategic dimensions that I planned to achieve.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Selin M. Bölme

In their well-known book, The Israel Lobby, John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt argue that the Israel lobby has a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East. As a consequence of Israeli lobbying, US-Israeli relations warmed by late 1950s and the United States became more committed to protecting Israel’s interests. In my article, I analyse the policy of the US towards the Palestinian question before the Israel lobby gained that influence on US foreign policy, and I try to understand the making of American policy during the establishment of Israel. I also examine the factors that shaped the American policy and focus on Zionist lobbying in this period and question its influence. The period that I examine starts just before World War II under the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945) and I end the period with the recognition of Israel by the US under the presidency of Harry S. Truman (1945-1953). Many different domestic and foreign factors shaped the Palestine policy of the US in that period. However, I argue that even before the Israel Lobby was consolidated in the country, the Zionists had already gained a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East region.    


Author(s):  
G. V. Mirzayan

There are a lot of common interests between Russia and the United States (if, of course, we analyse within the concept of “national interest” isolated from ideological issues and historical prejudices) — not only in the global issues (war against terrorism, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, reduction of strategic offensive weapons), but also at the regional level. Both Moscow and Washington are interested in creation a collective security system in East Asia, which will not only help to stabilize the situation on the Korean Peninsula, but also somehow hold back Chinese expansion in the region (though Russia and the United States have a different understanding of the concept and ways of this deterrence). However, the resemblance of Russian-American relations in the Middle East region seems to be even more interesting. Even though the US and Russia are opposing each other in the Syrian field, there are common views about the future of this country and the role of Iran. Again, the space for agreement arises from the objective goals and objectives of the players, as well as the availability of resources for their implementation. The US goal is to curb Iranian expansion in the region, and since it is now impossible to squeeze Iran out of Syria and southern Iraq, Washington wants at least to dilute its influence with other players. At the same time, Russia’s goal is to consolidate its positions in the Middle East — and it is possible only if there is no dominant force in the region. Any force at all. Therefore, the Kremlin is interested in constructing a regional balance of power and is even ready to work as an intermediary between the opposing sides. But if the US wants to use this mediator, they must realise its importance and necessity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Israel in 1992, their relations have warmed up and developed rapidly in diverse areas. This study offers a new theoretical framework, strategic hedging behavior, for analyzing Sino-Israel relations, in order to understand the nature and scope of the hedging relationship between China and Israel. What impact will China’s hedging relationship with Israel have on Washington’s dominance in the Middle East region? The study asserts that this relationship is limited to economics and technology, and China’s relations with Israel cannot replace Israel’s strategic and special relationship with the US. However, the future of the hedging relationship countries is highly sensitive to the evolution of US–China relations in the Middle East and other areas.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae , Et. al.

The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region. The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO. In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region. The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human  rights violations. The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001. The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey. Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions. Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (19) ◽  
pp. 26619-26653 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Pozzer ◽  
A. de Meij ◽  
J. Yoon ◽  
H. Tost ◽  
A. K. Georgoulias ◽  
...  

Abstract. The aerosol Optical Depth (AOD) trend between 2001–2010 is estimated globally and regionally from observations and from model simulations. The model is able to reproduce quantitatively the AOD trends as observed by MODIS satellite sensor, while some discrepancies are found when compared to MISR and SeaWIFS observations. Thanks to an additional simulation without any change in the emissions, it is shown that decreasing AOD trends over the US and Europe are due to decrease in the emissions, while over the Sahara Desert and the Middle East region the meteorological changes do play a major role. Over South East Asia, both meteorology and emissions changes are equally important in defining AOD trends. Additionally, decomposing the regional AOD trends into individual aerosol components reveals that the soluble components are the most dominant contributers to the total AOD, as their influence on the total AOD is enhanced by the aerosol water content.


Author(s):  
Noor Al-Ma'aitah ◽  
Ebrahim Soltani ◽  
Ying-Ying Liao

This chapter's aim is two-fold: to examine the impact of Wasta on long-term supply chain relationship and uncover the ways trust functions the complex interplay between culture (Wasta) and long-term supply chain relationship. Data from 350 buyers and 302 suppliers in the Jordanian manufacturing sector show that there is a general consensus on the idea that long-term buyer-supplier relationship is significantly affected by Wasta and that theqa (i.e. trust) moderates the relationship between Wasta and long-term relationship. The findings contribute to the increasing shift of focus towards contextualizing organisational research beyond Hofstede's cross-cultural paradigm to encompass context-specific religious-cultural values of the Middle East region.


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