scholarly journals AOD trends during 2001–2010 from observations and model simulations

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (19) ◽  
pp. 26619-26653 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Pozzer ◽  
A. de Meij ◽  
J. Yoon ◽  
H. Tost ◽  
A. K. Georgoulias ◽  
...  

Abstract. The aerosol Optical Depth (AOD) trend between 2001–2010 is estimated globally and regionally from observations and from model simulations. The model is able to reproduce quantitatively the AOD trends as observed by MODIS satellite sensor, while some discrepancies are found when compared to MISR and SeaWIFS observations. Thanks to an additional simulation without any change in the emissions, it is shown that decreasing AOD trends over the US and Europe are due to decrease in the emissions, while over the Sahara Desert and the Middle East region the meteorological changes do play a major role. Over South East Asia, both meteorology and emissions changes are equally important in defining AOD trends. Additionally, decomposing the regional AOD trends into individual aerosol components reveals that the soluble components are the most dominant contributers to the total AOD, as their influence on the total AOD is enhanced by the aerosol water content.

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 110-122
Author(s):  
Karolina Adamska-Płocic

The objective of the article is to analyze the anti-American sentiment in international relations. A chronological systematization of particular stages of the development of anti-Americanism aims to illustrate its evolution and the constantly changing perception of the United States by representatives of different cultural circles. It is worth emphasizing that while European anti-Americanism is based mainly on the philosophical foundations, the Islamic anti-Americanism has its roots mainly in the negative assessment of US foreign policy towards the Middle East region. The first strong wave of anti-Americanism flooded the Middle East in 1967 when the US supported Jews during the six-day war. Each subsequent conflict in the Arab world with US involvement only deepens the antagonisms that have persisted since then. Followers of Islam also have objections towards the culture of the United States, which is to be shallow and expansive. It is worth emphasizing, however, that the anti-American sentiment grew and evolved simultaneously with the state that was being formed, which is why it is not possible to recall only one specific reason that causes the country to have as many opponents. While nineteenth century polemics consisted of almost purely theoretical considerations about the superiority of the Old World over the New World, the reality of twenty-first century terror based on hatred for the US, requires serious actions from American diplomacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mohamed Kamal ◽  
Khalid Hashim Mohammed

The Middle East region is no longer enjoys the relative importance for the United States. This was due to the massive discoveries of Shale oil in the United States. Many analysts believe that such discovery led to the decline of the US interest in the Middle East and shifting the orientation towards Asia because of the growing importance of the Southeast Asia in the global economy. The United States, in return, has re-defined the role and the size of involvement in the Middle East by adopting a new strategy based on reducing economic and military consequences resulting from the direct investment in the region, which is rejected by US public opinion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Israel in 1992, their relations have warmed up and developed rapidly in diverse areas. This study offers a new theoretical framework, strategic hedging behavior, for analyzing Sino-Israel relations, in order to understand the nature and scope of the hedging relationship between China and Israel. What impact will China’s hedging relationship with Israel have on Washington’s dominance in the Middle East region? The study asserts that this relationship is limited to economics and technology, and China’s relations with Israel cannot replace Israel’s strategic and special relationship with the US. However, the future of the hedging relationship countries is highly sensitive to the evolution of US–China relations in the Middle East and other areas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Selin M. Bölme

In their well-known book, The Israel Lobby, John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt argue that the Israel lobby has a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East. As a consequence of Israeli lobbying, US-Israeli relations warmed by late 1950s and the United States became more committed to protecting Israel’s interests. In my article, I analyse the policy of the US towards the Palestinian question before the Israel lobby gained that influence on US foreign policy, and I try to understand the making of American policy during the establishment of Israel. I also examine the factors that shaped the American policy and focus on Zionist lobbying in this period and question its influence. The period that I examine starts just before World War II under the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933-1945) and I end the period with the recognition of Israel by the US under the presidency of Harry S. Truman (1945-1953). Many different domestic and foreign factors shaped the Palestine policy of the US in that period. However, I argue that even before the Israel Lobby was consolidated in the country, the Zionists had already gained a significant influence on American policy towards the Middle East region.    


Author(s):  
Ali Hussein Hameed ◽  
Firas Abbas Hashem

This study deals with a situation changes taking place in the Middle East region as a result of competition and conflict between the projects and visions of the major powers towards the region as a reflection of the process of disintegration of the Arab regional system and its pillars after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003. The study focuses on the risks resulting from the widening role of the peripheral forces and the growing differences between the regional powers after the US occupation of Iraq. The study attempts to identify the evolution of the domestic political situation of countries and how the decision-makers are preoccupied with internal matters at the expense of regional issues. However, the study revealed that the regional power has benefited from the regional transformations witnessed in the region and expanded its influence and regional role. On the local scene because of the manifestations of the separatist movement in light of the desire of the Kurds to declare separation from Iraq reflects the growing and growing indicators of the potential internal political conflict as a result of serious challenges


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. 5521-5535 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Pozzer ◽  
A. de Meij ◽  
J. Yoon ◽  
H. Tost ◽  
A. K. Georgoulias ◽  
...  

Abstract. The aerosol optical depth (AOD) trend between 2001 and 2010 is estimated globally and regionally from observations and results from simulations with the EMAC (ECHAM5/MESSy Atmospheric Chemistry) model. Although interannual variability is applied only to anthropogenic and biomass-burning emissions, the model is able to quantitatively reproduce the AOD trends as observed by the MODIS (Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer) satellite sensor, while some discrepancies are found when compared to MISR (Multi-angle Imaging SpectroRadiometer) and SeaWIFS (Sea-viewing Wide Field-of-view Sensor) observations. Thanks to an additional simulation without any change in emissions, it is shown that decreasing AOD trends over the US and Europe are due to the decrease in the emissions, while over the Sahara Desert and the Middle East region, the meteorological changes play a major role. Over Southeast Asia, both meteorology and emissions changes are equally important in defining AOD trends. Additionally, decomposing the regional AOD trends into individual aerosol components reveals that the soluble components are the most dominant contributors to the total AOD, as their influence on the total AOD is enhanced by the aerosol water content.


Author(s):  
G. V. Mirzayan

There are a lot of common interests between Russia and the United States (if, of course, we analyse within the concept of “national interest” isolated from ideological issues and historical prejudices) — not only in the global issues (war against terrorism, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, reduction of strategic offensive weapons), but also at the regional level. Both Moscow and Washington are interested in creation a collective security system in East Asia, which will not only help to stabilize the situation on the Korean Peninsula, but also somehow hold back Chinese expansion in the region (though Russia and the United States have a different understanding of the concept and ways of this deterrence). However, the resemblance of Russian-American relations in the Middle East region seems to be even more interesting. Even though the US and Russia are opposing each other in the Syrian field, there are common views about the future of this country and the role of Iran. Again, the space for agreement arises from the objective goals and objectives of the players, as well as the availability of resources for their implementation. The US goal is to curb Iranian expansion in the region, and since it is now impossible to squeeze Iran out of Syria and southern Iraq, Washington wants at least to dilute its influence with other players. At the same time, Russia’s goal is to consolidate its positions in the Middle East — and it is possible only if there is no dominant force in the region. Any force at all. Therefore, the Kremlin is interested in constructing a regional balance of power and is even ready to work as an intermediary between the opposing sides. But if the US wants to use this mediator, they must realise its importance and necessity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-77
Author(s):  
Nuradin U Khanaliyev

The article is an attempt to identify and analyze some key principles of the US foreign policy in the Greater Middle East region, which, concurrently, factor into the rapprochement between Russia, Turkey and Iran in their opposition to the policies of the West as a whole and Washington in particular. The main attention is focused on the complex and controversial nature of the relations in the Russia- Turkey-Iran geopolitical triangle and, at the same time, the relations of each of the countries with the United States. As a result of the analysis, a conclusion was made that the very logic of Washington’s aggressive policy pushes the three countries to coordinate their efforts in ensuring national security and protecting national interests in the region. However, certain doubts were expressed regarding the possibilities of forming any strong long-term alliance between the three of them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Moazaz Iskandar Al - Hadithi

The Middle East region is of great importance in the strategic realization of regional and international actors. Therefore, the hypothesis that the research tries to prove is that the Middle East region is of great strategic importance due to the set of constituents, whether civilizational, economic or geopolitical. The emergence of different strategic visions, whether regional or international actors in the region.


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