scholarly journals Diplomatic Materials of the sixteenth century as a Source of Political Thought in the Successor States of the Golden Horde (To the Formulation of a Research Problem)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-806
Author(s):  
Maksim V. Moiseev ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Collective Work ◽  
Exclusive Right

Objective: To study the monuments of diplomatic correspondence from the sixteenth century as a source of political thought in the successor states of the Golden Horde. Research materials: The messages of Crimean khans, sultans, representatives of ruling groups, Nogai beks and mirzas preserved in translated copies in the ambassadorial books of the Muscovite state. Novelty of the research: For the first time ever, the diplomatic documents of the Crimean khanate and the Nogai Horde are involved in the reconstruction of their period’s corpus of political ideas. Considering the question of the authorship of messages, we proceed with the concept of S.M. Kashtanov about “technical authorship”, in which the authorship is understood as the collective work of rulers, courtiers, bureaucrats, and technical workers on the creation of a letter. Research results: The application of the concept of “corporate authorship” has made it possible to show that diplomatic messages were always a product of some convention possible within the elite that were involved in the development of foreign policy. Translators played an important role in shaping the political language. The messages of the khans, sultans, beks, and mirzas of the successor states of the Golden Horde contain some ideas that can help us to outline the political ideology. Central to it is the thesis of the exclusive right to power of the Chinggisids who could get power only with the general consent of the “political people”. “Evil” and “good” were the most important concepts of thought in the successor states. “Evil” was understood as any change in the established order, and “good” as its preservation. Thus, conservatism and the desire to fix the rituals of power and management practices that had developed earlier in the era of the Golden Horde were the most important concepts for political life in the successor states. This attitude led to the preservation of earlier concepts and terminological language, something which was reflected in the practice of diplomacy when the elusive reality of former power influenced ambassadorial ceremony and the form of messages.

ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЫ КЫРГЫЗСТАНА

2020 ◽  
pp. 52-57
Author(s):  
Эдиль Канатбеков
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Cultural Character ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Norms

В статье рассматривается политическая культура Кыргызстана как одна из важных основ политической жизни общества. Уделяется внимание на необходимость развития политической культуры общества, как фундаментальной основы цивилизации, основ существования общества и общественных отношений. В работе анализируется сущность политической культуры. Описывается проблема формирования политической культуры Кыргызстана как одной из актуальных тем, на протяжении многих лет. Рассматривается формирование и становление политической культуры Кыргызстана, как очень трудоёмкий и долговременный процесс, обусловленный определенными аспектами политико-культурологического характера. Политическая культура конкретной общности состоит из представлений индивидов, их взглядов, политических ценностей, политической идеологии и символики, политических норм, стандартов, стереотипов. Каждый субъект страны являясь гражданином так или иначе становиться свидетелем и даже участником политической реальности, тем самым на основе этих элементов и опыта человек формирует собственный взгляд и определяет для себя систему ценностей и линию поведения. Макалада Кыргызстандын саясий маданияты коомдун саясий турмушунун маанилүү негиздеринин бири катары каралат. Цивилизациянын фундаменталдык негизи, коомдун жана коомдук мамилелердин негиздеринин маңызы катары коомдун саясий маданиятын өнүктүрүү зарылдыгына көңүл бурулган. Изилдөө ишинде саясий маданияттын маани-маңызына анализ жүргүзүлгөн. Кыргызстанда саясий маданияттын калыптануу көйгөйү көп жылдардан бери актуалдуу темалардын бири катары эсептелинет. Кыргызстандын саясий маданиятынын калыптанышы жана калыптануусу саясий жана маданий мүнөздүн айрым аспектилерине байланыштуу өтө эмгекчил жана узак мөөнөттүү процесс катары каралат. Белгилүү бир коомдун саясий маданияты жеке адамдардын идеяларынан, алардын көз караштарынан, саясий баалуулуктарынан, саясий идеологиясынан жана символдорунан, саясий нормаларынан, стандарттарынан, стереотиптеринен турат. Өлкөнүн ар бир субъектиси, ошол өлкөнүн жараны болуп туруп, кандайдыр бир жол менен саясий чындыктын интригасынын күбөсү, ал тургай, катышуучусу болуп калат, ошентип, адам ушул элементтердин жана тажрыйбанын негизинде өзүнүн көз карашын калыптандырат жана өзү үчүн баалуулуктар системасын жана жүрүм-турум линиясын аныктайт. Тhe article considers the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the important foundations of the political life of society. Attention paid to the need to develop the political culture of society as the fundamental basis of civilization, the foundations of the existence of society and social relations. The paper analyzes the essence of political culture. The article describes the problem of forming the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as one of the topical issues for many years. The article considers the formation and formation of the political culture of Kyrgyzstan as a very labor-intensive and long-term process, due to certain aspects of political and cultural character. Тhe Political culture of a particular community consists of individual representations, their views, political values, political ideology and symbols, political norms, standards, and stereotypes. Each subject of the country, being a citizen, in one way or another becomes a witness and even a participant in the intrigue of political reality, thereby the basis of these elements and experience, a person forms his own view and defines for himself a system of values and a line of behavior.

scholarly journals WHO FROM THE CHODECKI’S FAMILY REPRESENTED THE RUS’ VOIVODESHIPS ON THE SEJMS OF THE POLISH CROWN IN 1493–1533

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Yelyzaveta Piankova
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Family Needs ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Family

This article is devoted to the members of the Chodecki family who were involved into the political life of the Polish Kingdom by representing Ruthenian voivodeships on the sejms at the end of the 15th — first third of the 16th centuries. It is also illustrated brother’s participation in the parliamentary activity, through the presence of Stanisław of Chodecz, who was the Grand Marshal of the Crown and attended at least thirteen sejms through the period of 1493–1533. For him, as one of the crown deputies, it was a chance to proceed with his experience of parliamentary activity and simultaneously vindicate his political ideas and personal family needs. Through the strong protection by the King sides another brother from the family, Otton of Chodcza, created an outstanding official career and as a senator from the Ruthenian Voivodeship participated four times on the sejms of the Crown. His success was extremely enlisted by other members of the family who have not done any advance neither at official careers nor at the parliamentary practices but were trying to use families position through the sejm sessions in order to solve their own deals. I have also found out that two brothers of the noble kin were attending twenty-eight of the Crown sejms hearing which is accounting for sixty-three per cent of parliamentary action of the whole Kingdom at that time.

Tyranny and Usurpation

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doyeeta Majumder
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Plays ◽  
Elizabethan Drama ◽  
Political Drama ◽  
English Stage ◽  
The One ◽  
Tragic Drama ◽  
Law Making

This book examines the fraught relationship between the sixteenth-century formulations of the theories of sovereign violence, tyranny and usurpation and the manifestations of these ideas on the contemporary English stage. It will attempt to trace an evolution of the poetics of English and Scottish political drama through the early, middle, and late decades of the sixteenth-century in conjunction with developments in the political thought of the century, linking theatre and politics through the representations of the problematic figure of the usurper or, in Machiavellian terms, the ‘New Prince’. While the early Tudor morality plays are concerned with the legitimate monarch who becomes a tyrant, the later historical and tragic drama of the century foregrounds the figure of the illegitimate monarch who is a tyrant by default. On the one hand the sudden proliferation of usurpation plots in Elizabethan drama and the transition from the legitimate tyrant to the usurper tyrant is linked to the dramaturgical shift from the allegorical morality play tradition to later history plays and tragedies, and on the other it is reflective of a poetic turn in political thought which impelled political writers to conceive of the state and sovereignty as a product of human ‘poiesis’, independent of transcendental legitimization. The poetics of political drama and the emergence of the idea of ‘poiesis’ in the political context merge in the figure of the nuove principe: the prince without dynastic claims who creates his sovereignty by dint of his own ‘virtu’ and through an act of law-making violence.

scholarly journals YouTube and Political Ideologies: Technology, Populism and Rhetorical Form

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172093463
Author(s):  
Alan Finlayson
Keyword(s):  
Digital Media ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Performance Style ◽  
Broadcast Media ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Therapeutic Benefits ◽  
Digital Media Studies ◽  
The Uk

Digital (participatory and shareable) media are driving profound changes to contemporary politics. That includes, this article argues, important changes to the production, dissemination and reception of political ideas and ideologies. Such media have increased the number and political range of ‘ideological entrepreneurs’ promoting forms of political thought, while also giving rise to distinct genres of political rhetoric and communication. All of this is affecting how people come to be persuaded by and to identify with political ideas. In developing and justifying these claims, I draw on the Political Theory of Ideologies, Digital Media Studies and Rhetorical Political Analysis. I begin by showing how a populist ‘style’, induced by broadcast media, has been intensified by digital media, affecting ideological form and content. Next I consider, in detail, a particular example – YouTube – showing how it shapes political, ideological, communication. I then present a case-study of the UK-based political YouTuber Paul Joseph Watson. I show how the political ideology he propagates can be understood as a blend of Conservatism and Libertarianism, expressed in a Populist style, centred on the ‘revelation’ of political truths and on a promise of therapeutic benefits for followers. In a closing discussion I argue that this may be understood as a kind of ‘charismatic’ authority, and that such a political performance style is typical of these kinds of media today.

Wang Yang-ming and the Ideology of Sun Yat-sen

1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. James Gregor ◽  
Maria Hsia Chang
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader

An effective political ideology is invariably the result of the intersection of a number of discrete influences. In the first instance, a political leader is almost always possessed of some set of philosophic and political convictions that he has, for one reason or another, made his own. The ideas of the Epicureans and of John Locke regularly surface in the political thought of Thomas Jefferson, and elements of the thought of Karl Marx, G. W. F. Hegel and N. G. Chernyshevski are mixed inextricably in the political ideology of V. I. Lenin. As much might be said of almost every political leader who makes any pretense at ideological sophistication.

scholarly journals The Use ofKairosin Renaissance Political Philosophy*

2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Paul
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
History Of Political Thought ◽  
Important Concept ◽  
Niccolò Machiavelli ◽  
Greek Tradition ◽  
History Of

AbstractAlthough the Greek concept ofkairos (καιρός)has undergone a recent renewal of interest among scholars of Renaissance rhetoric, this revival has not yet been paralleled by its reception into the history of political thought. This article examines the meanings and uses of this important concept within the ancient Greek tradition, particularly in the works of Isocrates and Plutarch, in order to understand how it is employed by two of the most important political thinkers of the sixteenth century: Thomas Elyot and Niccolò Machiavelli. Through such an investigation this paper argues that an appreciation of the concept ofkairosand its use by Renaissance political writers provides a fuller understanding of the political philosophy of the period.

Calvinism, the Thirty Years' War, and the Beginning of Absolutism in Brandenburg: The Political Thought of John Bergius

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bodo Nischan
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Protestant Churches

When Elector John Sigismund of Brandenburg converted to Calvinism in 1613 he became the second major German prince, with the elector of the Palatinate, to renounce Lutheranism in favor of Calvinism. Unlike Frederick of the Palatinate and the dozen or so other minor German princes in the empire who had opted for Calvinism, the Hohenzollern decided not to impose his new faith on his subjects, who had been Lutheran since the days of Joachim II in the early sixteenth century. John Sigismund decreed instead that the two Protestant churches were to exist together in peace and harmony in his domains.

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