scholarly journals WHO FROM THE CHODECKI’S FAMILY REPRESENTED THE RUS’ VOIVODESHIPS ON THE SEJMS OF THE POLISH CROWN IN 1493–1533

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-49
Author(s):  
Yelyzaveta Piankova
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Family Needs ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Family

This article is devoted to the members of the Chodecki family who were involved into the political life of the Polish Kingdom by representing Ruthenian voivodeships on the sejms at the end of the 15th — first third of the 16th centuries. It is also illustrated brother’s participation in the parliamentary activity, through the presence of Stanisław of Chodecz, who was the Grand Marshal of the Crown and attended at least thirteen sejms through the period of 1493–1533. For him, as one of the crown deputies, it was a chance to proceed with his experience of parliamentary activity and simultaneously vindicate his political ideas and personal family needs. Through the strong protection by the King sides another brother from the family, Otton of Chodcza, created an outstanding official career and as a senator from the Ruthenian Voivodeship participated four times on the sejms of the Crown. His success was extremely enlisted by other members of the family who have not done any advance neither at official careers nor at the parliamentary practices but were trying to use families position through the sejm sessions in order to solve their own deals. I have also found out that two brothers of the noble kin were attending twenty-eight of the Crown sejms hearing which is accounting for sixty-three per cent of parliamentary action of the whole Kingdom at that time.

Taming the Father: John Locke's Critique of Patriarchal Fatherhood

1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Foster
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
The Bible ◽  
The Family ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Radical Character ◽  
Divine Order ◽  
The Way

This article demonstrates the radical character of Locke's attack on patriarchalism in the TwoTreatises of Government, in part by showing that that attack implies the rejection of the natural and divine order to which patriarchalism appealed to justify itself. In this way, Locke's attack on patriarchalism, which prepared the way for his individualistic liberal politics, is also shown to be an important part of his solution to the political problem of religion. Special attention is given to Locke's disagreement with the Bible concerning the family and its place in political life.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Lyndsey Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Political ◽  
Family Needs ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
The Family ◽  
Biographical Approach ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explains who the Kenneys were, provides biographical detail about the family and the individual sisters, and sets out the political, economic, social, and cultural context in which they grew up. It shows that, despite the rhetoric of sisterhood which often characterizes feminist politics, friendship rather than family has been central to suffrage studies, and argues that the family needs to be given greater consideration. It also explains the place of class in suffrage historiography and the relationship between the women’s and labour movements as a way into understanding the relative lack of work on suffrage militants. The chapter sets out the source material which forms the basis for this study, explains the thematic biographical approach, and summarizes the chapters which follow.

II. Patriarchalism, Politics and Mass Attitudes in Stuart England

1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Schochet
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Childhood Play ◽  
The Family ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
Mass Attitudes ◽  
Rules Of The Game

It is increasingly becoming a commonplace to assert that non-political activities engaged in during childhood play determinative roles in shaping individuals' attitudes toward and perceptions of the political order. A large part of this early ‘political socialization’, as it is now called, takes place within the family, which, in the words of one commentator, ‘incubates the political man’, whether or not there is a conscious attempt to inculcate political beliefs. As T. D. Weldon remarked, ‘Basic political creeds may not be actually imbibed … with mother's milk: but children are none the less indoctrinated in practically every other way.’ This socialization plus later experiences (including reading, conversations, and direct encounters with government) will help to implant notions of political legitimacy; that is, the grounds on which a political authority is held to be entitled to rule. Legitimacy and the consequent public acceptance of government are among the very foundations upon which politics rests. In the words of David Easton,If a government…is to be capable of performing its tasks, the member of the [particular political] system must be prepared to support the particular norms and structures that organize the way in which all political activities are performed. That is, they must be willing to support the 'constitutional order' or regime. Hence, we are identifying the fundamental rules of the game, as they are often described, regulating participation in political life and the particular way of organizing political power in a given society.

Princeps Merciorum gentis: the family, career and connections of Ælfhere, ealdorman of Mercia, 956–83

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 143-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Familiar Figure ◽  
The Family

Ælfhere, ealdorman of Mercia from 956 to 983, is not an immediately familiar figure. Yet he was one of the most powerful men in the political life of his day. The author of the Vita Oswaldi was in no doubt of his importance in the disturbances which followed the death of Edgar:

Entrepreneurs and Their Businesses during the Mexican Revolution

2012 ◽  
Vol 86 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
María del Carmen Collado
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
New Ventures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Total Destruction ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Revolution

Most of the academic work on the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) has focused on sociopolitical and military affairs; few scholars have considered the economic aspects of the period. Even though business historians know now that the Revolution did not bring generalized chaos or total destruction of manufacturing, we still need more research on economic issues. This article analyzes the evolution of the businesses of the Braniff family, as well as their involvement in politics once the regime of Porfirio Díaz collapsed. It examines the Braniffs' political ideas, their strategies to gain power, and their support of the political faction favorable to their interests. The article exposes the tactics the family used to guarantee the safety of their businesses, the losses they suffered, and the new ventures they made after the Revolution.

For Moral Ambiguity: National Culture and the Politics of the Family. By Michael J. Shapiro. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001. 248p. $47.95 cloth, $18.95 paper.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 812-813
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Dolan
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Michel Foucault ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
University Of Minnesota ◽  
Moral Ambiguity ◽  
Actual Usage ◽  
The Family

Michael J. Shapiro reflects on “the politics of the family” from the point of view of an outlook on political life inspired by “genealogy,” an approach originated by Friedrich Nietzsche and refined by Michel Foucault. Although Shapiro would not characterize it quite in these terms, that outlook is roughly as follows. Ideas about political regimes are typically governed by the values of unity, agreement, or consensus. But that is highly misleading. A consideration of how political concepts and institutions come into being (that is, a genealogy of the political, as opposed to a theorization of it) leads to a picture in which disagreement and conflict are as central as consensus and harmony. Words like “authority,” “democracy,” and “freedom” are continually redefined as people put them to different uses in changing contexts of conflict and interpretation. What they are thought to mean at any given moment will be an incomplete, contested, and on the whole incoherent echo of actual usage. Individuals, too, shape their outlooks by means of clashing and contradictory desires, norms, and perspectives. For this reason, the goals and beliefs that move any actually existing political regime (and any given individual) will typically be ill defined, ambiguous, and amenable to additional equivocation and conflict.

scholarly journals An idea about 'Vojvodina loyalist' and 'Serbian patriot': Social context of the 1932 Novi Sad resolution

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1279-1297
Author(s):  
Saša Marković ◽  
Željko Vučković
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Party ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
Kingdom Of Yugoslavia

The area of today's Vojvodina in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was the scene of the development of quite dynamic social and political ideas for the purpose of ensuring a better-quality approach to the constitutional and national questions. After the Decision on the accession of Vojvodina to the Kingdom of Serbia and subsequently the Decision on the unification of Yugoslavia, issued by the Great National Assembly on 25th November 1918, the national zeal was gradually replaced by realistic political ideas with the intention of finding the social identity of Vojvodina in the newly-created Yugoslav circumstances. In the 1918-1929 period of parliamentarism, these ideas had an exceptionally dynamic course and were directed towards democratic tolerance, but after the introduction of the 6th January Dictatorship in 1929, the political and party life was forbidden. Due to the new constitutional circumstances and political consolidation, Alexander Karađorđević, certain of the success of his state politics, tacitly allowed the restoration of the party life. The Sombor Resolution as well as the Novi Sad Resolution, both enacted in 1932, played the role of the moderator of the party and political life of the opposition parties with an extremely active attitude towards social circumstances dominated by the state party.

scholarly journals Diplomatic Materials of the sixteenth century as a Source of Political Thought in the Successor States of the Golden Horde (To the Formulation of a Research Problem)

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-806
Author(s):  
Maksim V. Moiseev ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Collective Work ◽  
Exclusive Right

Objective: To study the monuments of diplomatic correspondence from the sixteenth century as a source of political thought in the successor states of the Golden Horde. Research materials: The messages of Crimean khans, sultans, representatives of ruling groups, Nogai beks and mirzas preserved in translated copies in the ambassadorial books of the Muscovite state. Novelty of the research: For the first time ever, the diplomatic documents of the Crimean khanate and the Nogai Horde are involved in the reconstruction of their period’s corpus of political ideas. Considering the question of the authorship of messages, we proceed with the concept of S.M. Kashtanov about “technical authorship”, in which the authorship is understood as the collective work of rulers, courtiers, bureaucrats, and technical workers on the creation of a letter. Research results: The application of the concept of “corporate authorship” has made it possible to show that diplomatic messages were always a product of some convention possible within the elite that were involved in the development of foreign policy. Translators played an important role in shaping the political language. The messages of the khans, sultans, beks, and mirzas of the successor states of the Golden Horde contain some ideas that can help us to outline the political ideology. Central to it is the thesis of the exclusive right to power of the Chinggisids who could get power only with the general consent of the “political people”. “Evil” and “good” were the most important concepts of thought in the successor states. “Evil” was understood as any change in the established order, and “good” as its preservation. Thus, conservatism and the desire to fix the rituals of power and management practices that had developed earlier in the era of the Golden Horde were the most important concepts for political life in the successor states. This attitude led to the preservation of earlier concepts and terminological language, something which was reflected in the practice of diplomacy when the elusive reality of former power influenced ambassadorial ceremony and the form of messages.

‘The most attentive hostess in the world’

2019 ◽  
pp. 59-80
Author(s):  
Jennifer Davey
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Her Family ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
The Family ◽  
The World ◽  
Family Home ◽  
Physical Manifestation

Throughout her political career, Mary politicized the space around her, particularly her family homes. The chapter examines how Mary used the home as a political tool. It explores her political entertaining at Hatfield House as Marchioness of Salisbury, examining the influential role she played in political life during the late 1850s and early 1860s. Using the parliamentary debates that foreshadowed the Second Reform Act of 1867 as a backdrop, this chapter goes on to explore the symbiosis between the political space Mary constructed and the agenda of the national polity. This analysis is further developed by a consideration of how Mary used the family home for political purposes during her second marriage. Throughout, Mary’s use of political space is understood as an expression of her agency and ideology, rather than the physical manifestation of the obligation she felt as a wife.

Jan Orzelski (1551–1617), parlamentarzysta i kronikarz

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-114
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Kaczorowski
Keyword(s):  
Family Members ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Family ◽  
Male Line ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Campaigns ◽  
Comprehensive Introduction ◽  
The Republic

Jan Orzelski was actively involved in the political life of the Republic of the Nobles as a member of a regional assembly, a deputy and next a senator. He recorded the history of his family in the work entitled Annales domus Orzelsciae. It was edited by Adam Tytus Działyński on the basis of a manuscript stored in the Kórnik Library together with a family diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci imci Elżbiety Orzelskiej. Annales… consists of two parts: a comprehensive introduction and a chronicle containing annual entries regarding the most important events in Jan Orzelski’s family in the years 1589–1611 (that period being extended to 1618 by adding the diary Kopia pobożnej pamięci…). Much focus in the first part of the Annales... was placed on Stefan Batory’s military campaigns to conquer Polotsk (1579), Velikiye Luki (1580) and Pskov (1581), in which Jan Orzelski took part as a cavalry captain. The author’s intention, however, was not to describe those military campaigns in detail but to present “only some memorable issues”. The Annales... depicts, first of all, the origins of the “family from Orle”, the history and the characteristics of the family members in the male line. The author included his biography as well.

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