scholarly journals YouTube and Political Ideologies: Technology, Populism and Rhetorical Form

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172093463
Author(s):  
Alan Finlayson

Digital (participatory and shareable) media are driving profound changes to contemporary politics. That includes, this article argues, important changes to the production, dissemination and reception of political ideas and ideologies. Such media have increased the number and political range of ‘ideological entrepreneurs’ promoting forms of political thought, while also giving rise to distinct genres of political rhetoric and communication. All of this is affecting how people come to be persuaded by and to identify with political ideas. In developing and justifying these claims, I draw on the Political Theory of Ideologies, Digital Media Studies and Rhetorical Political Analysis. I begin by showing how a populist ‘style’, induced by broadcast media, has been intensified by digital media, affecting ideological form and content. Next I consider, in detail, a particular example – YouTube – showing how it shapes political, ideological, communication. I then present a case-study of the UK-based political YouTuber Paul Joseph Watson. I show how the political ideology he propagates can be understood as a blend of Conservatism and Libertarianism, expressed in a Populist style, centred on the ‘revelation’ of political truths and on a promise of therapeutic benefits for followers. In a closing discussion I argue that this may be understood as a kind of ‘charismatic’ authority, and that such a political performance style is typical of these kinds of media today.

Author(s):  
Peter Breiner

This chapter argues that the famous ‘Mannheim paradox’ regarding the ideological understanding of ideology in Ideology and Utopia merely serves as a preparation for a far more complex and persistent paradox that poses a recurrent problem for any political science seeking to understand the relation of political ideologies to political reality: namely, when we try to understand contending political ideologies at any one historical moment and test them for their ‘congruence’ with historical and sociological ‘reality’, our construction of this context is itself informed by these ideologies or our partisan understanding of them. To deal with this paradox Mannheim suggests a new political science based on Marx and Weber. This political science seeks to construct fields of competing ideologies—such as conservatism, liberalism, and socialism—and play off the insight and blindness of each to create a momentary ‘synthesis’ of the relation between political ideas and a dynamic political reality.


Communication ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
matthew heinz

Transgender media studies is a fairly recent area of scholarship emerging at the intersections of communication studies, cultural studies, digital media studies, film studies, gender studies, media studies, television studies, and transgender studies. The earliest scholarship in this field primarily consisted of analyses of portrayals of transsexual characters on the screen. With the gradual broadening of LGBTQ scholarship facilitating coverage of trans issues, the growing global visibility of trans, transgender, non-binary, and gender non-conforming people, and the intermittent expansion of trans legal and human rights, transgender media studies began to develop as a vibrant area of study of its own. Transgender media scholarship moved from pathologizing approaches to victimizing approaches to resilience-focused approaches while keeping the empirically documented and often legally enshrined marginalization and discrimination of transgender people in public consciousness. At this moment, transgender media scholarship continues to examine the portrayals of transgender characters on screen, but the methodological and epistemological approaches to transgender media have greatly expanded to include, for example, how transgender people use media to organize, how print and digital media influence transgender identity development, how media can be used to educate publics and provide support, how cisgender people respond to transgender portrayals in digital, print, and broadcast media; and how researchers can help challenge normativity, pay attention to intersectionality, and surface marginalization. Early dominant portrayals of transgender people consisted of white, middle-class, middle-aged heteronormative transgender women, and scholarship reflected these dominant portrayals. In the 21st century, transgender media discourse has mostly broadened to include transgender men and gender non-conforming people, people of color and Two-Spirit people, people of a range of sexual orientations and gender identities, young people and seniors. Arguably, much of the increased diversity in transgender media research is attributable to the fact that transgender and gender non-conforming researchers came out publicly and/or entered the academy and brought forth research agendas informed by lived experience. This bibliography is not exhaustive. It seeks to reflect the range of transgender media scholarship at this point in time, acknowledging that “transgender media” as a conceptual category captures a particular moment in time only. As social and biological understandings of “gender” and “sex” begin to shift and loosen, it is likely that media scholarship will present a more holistic approach to the complex relationships between (trans)gender and media.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bethany Usher

This article offers statistical and discourse analysis of political leaders’ profile pages during the 2015 UK General Election ‘short campaign’ as a means to better understand the construction of political persona on Social Network Sites (SNS). It examines this as a group production and promotional activity that variously used patterns and routines of both traditional and digital media to display leaders as party branded selves.  Performances strived for balance between authority and authenticity, using the political self as a spectacle to direct microelectorates to specific actions.  This study demonstrates how self-storytelling is shaped by the coded conventions or “house rules” of SNS, which are viewed as inescapable institutions for maintaining public visibility.  It examines how linguistic and visual elements, linked to different political ideologies, chimed with Twitter and Facebook users and looks to the impact on political campaigning.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Xu ◽  
Eagle Zhang ◽  
Corinne Cortese

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of accounting in the construction and maintenance of political hegemony during Mao’s People’s Commune movement in China between 1958 and 1966. Drawing on concepts of ideological power and intellectual diffusion in political and civil society from Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, it analyses the process by which accounting intellectuals established a set of socialist accounting practices to meet the political challenges of the People’s Commune. Design/methodology/approach Gramsci’s theory is adopted to examine how the accounting systems of People’s Commune acted as a mechanism that reflected Mao’s political ideas. Findings This paper demonstrates that the accounting system that emerged during these socio-political movements served the ideological purpose of reinforcing Mao’s political ideology and his hegemonic leadership. Accounting functioned within the spheres of both political and civil society to facilitate a national collective will, and to construct behaviours that satisfied the political requirements of the People’s Commune. Originality/value This paper will contribute to the accounting history in China from 1958 to 1966.


Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin G. Mixon ◽  
Chandini Sankaran ◽  
Kamal P. Upadhyaya

This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105649262199071
Author(s):  
Deniz Öztürk

This study aims to develop a contextualized perspective for understanding the variation in the persistence of founders’ ideological imprints across different periods. We argue for the time-varying influence of political circumstances on ideological imprinting to grasp the consequences of multiple different imprints. Employing a multiple-case study research design that relies heavily on archival data, we explored the political contextual sources of variation in political cartoons of Turkish humor magazines from 1972 to 2015. Our findings show that the variation in the persistence of ideological imprints is related to political changes that result in (in)congruence between the founder’s political ideology and the ideology of the governing party, the type of political ideology that the founder represents, and change within the party ideology over time. By revealing how political contexts surrounding imprints lead to persistence, we contribute to imprinting theory and the organizational implications of political ideologies in non-Western contexts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhinav Gupta ◽  
Adam J. Wowak

We examine how directors’ political ideologies, specifically the board-level average of how conservative or liberal directors are, influence boards’ decisions about CEO compensation. Integrating research on corporate governance and political psychology, we theorize that conservative and liberal boards will differ in their prevailing beliefs about the appropriate amounts CEOs should be paid and, relatedly, the extent to which CEOs should be rewarded or penalized for recent firm performance. Using a donation-based index to measure the political ideologies of directors serving on S&P 1500 company boards, we test our ideas on a sample of over 4,000 CEOs from 1998 to 2013. Consistent with our predictions, we show that conservative boards pay CEOs more than liberal boards and that the relationship between recent firm performance and CEO pay is stronger for conservative boards than for liberal boards. We further demonstrate that these relationships are more pronounced when focusing specifically on the directors most heavily involved in designing CEO pay plans—members of compensation committees. By showing that board ideology manifests in CEO pay, we offer an initial demonstration of the potentially wide-ranging implications of political ideology for how corporations are governed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1 (19)) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
Evgeniia Zimina ◽  
Mariana Sargsyan

The article deals primarily with the poetic discourse surrounding the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum and the post-referendum developments in the UK. The political processes of the recent years have been unprecedented in terms of the public resonance, which was by and large due to the active involvement of the social media. By examining the language and rhetoric strategies used in poems we become aware of the message behind them, of the political ideologies they are based on and of the means employed to address the public. It is argued that poetry, whether traditional or digital, sentimental or furious, played and still continues to play a significant role in shaping debate over mega political processes in the UK and in affecting people’s opinion.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sotiris Zartaloudis

<p>This paper discusses the levels, trends and causes<br />of income inequality in Europe and the US. On<br />the one hand, it finds that although market<br />income inequality has generally risen, it did so<br />more in some countries and less in others. On<br />the other hand, disposable income inequality<br />has had a puzzling irregular development. The<br />latter is higher in the US, whereas in Europe<br />three clusters of countries exist: Mediterranean<br />and Central and Eastern European (CEE)<br />countries have the highest disposable income<br />inequality –with the UK being the only rich EU<br />country belonging to this group. Continental<br />Europe has medium to low inequality while the<br />lowest is found in the Scandinavian ones. The<br />only exceptions to this ranking are some of the<br />CEEs who belong to the group with the lowest<br />disposable income inequality. It is argued that<br />the best explanation for this classification and the<br />national disposable income inequalities’ history<br />is the different national public policy, that is,<br />national redistributive policies, different taxation<br />systems and social security contributions, which<br />stems from the political ideology of the ruling<br />party, the overall effectiveness and generosity of<br />redistributive policies.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 791-806
Author(s):  
Maksim V. Moiseev ◽  
◽  
◽  

Objective: To study the monuments of diplomatic correspondence from the sixteenth century as a source of political thought in the successor states of the Golden Horde. Research materials: The messages of Crimean khans, sultans, representatives of ruling groups, Nogai beks and mirzas preserved in translated copies in the ambassadorial books of the Muscovite state. Novelty of the research: For the first time ever, the diplomatic documents of the Crimean khanate and the Nogai Horde are involved in the reconstruction of their period’s corpus of political ideas. Considering the question of the authorship of messages, we proceed with the concept of S.M. Kashtanov about “technical authorship”, in which the authorship is understood as the collective work of rulers, courtiers, bureaucrats, and technical workers on the creation of a letter. Research results: The application of the concept of “corporate authorship” has made it possible to show that diplomatic messages were always a product of some convention possible within the elite that were involved in the development of foreign policy. Translators played an important role in shaping the political language. The messages of the khans, sultans, beks, and mirzas of the successor states of the Golden Horde contain some ideas that can help us to outline the political ideology. Central to it is the thesis of the exclusive right to power of the Chinggisids who could get power only with the general consent of the “political people”. “Evil” and “good” were the most important concepts of thought in the successor states. “Evil” was understood as any change in the established order, and “good” as its preservation. Thus, conservatism and the desire to fix the rituals of power and management practices that had developed earlier in the era of the Golden Horde were the most important concepts for political life in the successor states. This attitude led to the preservation of earlier concepts and terminological language, something which was reflected in the practice of diplomacy when the elusive reality of former power influenced ambassadorial ceremony and the form of messages.


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