scholarly journals „ARCHEION” JOURNAL

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-10
Author(s):  
Ewa Rosowska-Jakubczyk

World War I and the resulting new geopolitical map of Europe fundamentally changed the situation of Poland. Disintegration of multinational European powers: the Russian Empire, Prussia, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire resulted in emergence of new European nation states: Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland. Revival of the sovereign state of Poland, after Polish lands had remained under the rule of foreign powers for more than 120 years, has galvanized the community of Polish historians and archivists. The most urgent tasks undertaken by the community after establishment of the sovereign Polish state in 1918 were to secure the archival holdings that had been severely damaged and scattered as a result of warfare, to recover the archival materials that were removed from the Polish territories by the partitioning powers, and to undertake efforts leading to organization of Polish archival service[1]. These most important tasks were reflected in the provisions of the Decree on the Organization of State Archives and Care for Archival Materials, issued by the highest state authorities on February 7, 1919 - the first legislative act in the field of archives in the history of modern Poland[2].   [1] See more: Archiwa w Niepodległej. Stulecie Archiwów Państwowych 1919-2019, red. nauk. E. Rosowska, Warszawa 2019;  Motas M., Powstanie  polskiej  państwowej  służby  archiwalnej   przed odzyskaniem niepodległości, „Archeion” t. 69, 1979, s. 39–56; Motas M. W sześćdziesiątą rocznicę objęcia archiwów i archiwaliów przez władze polskie na jesieni 1918 r. w byłej Kongresówce, „Archeion”, t. 67, 1979, s. 97–107. [2] Mencel T., Dekret o archiwach i opiece nad archiwami z 7 lutego na tle ówczesnego ustawodawstwa archiwalnego w Europie, [in:] Sześćdziesięciolecie polskich archiwów państwowych. Materiały  z  sesji,  Łódź  10  XI  1979  r.,  red.  nauk.  A.  Tomczak,  M. Przeczek, Warszawa 1981.

2020 ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
N.V. Lobko

History of World War I that due to its global consequences started a new stage of development of European civilization still draws attention of many researchers. One of the most interesting topics for researchers is the topic of war imprisonment during the World War I. Stay of prisoners of war in the territory of Ukraine is a scantily studied issue. The objects of this study are prisoners of war who were in Lebedyn district of Kharkiv province during the World War I (1914–1918). The subject of the research is the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The author analyzed norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using materials of Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province, being deposited in the archives of Sumy Region, the author examines the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The position of prisoners of war during the World War I on Ukrainian lands as part of the Russian Empire was determined by the norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using the archival sources kept in funds of the State Archives of Sumy Region, it was found that the rights of prisoners of war were generally ensured on the territory of the Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province. However, there were not a few cases when Austrian and German prisoners suffered from hunger, domestic inconvenience and abuse by employers. There were also repeated violations of their duties by prisoners of war. The most common violations were refusal to work, leaving the workplace.


2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nicolaus

AbstractThe seven sanjaqs, or sacred images of Malak Tawus, are the most concrete expression of Yezidism and considered the holiest of the holy ritual objects of that religion. Only a handful of non-Yezidis have ever seen one, and very little is known about them. The latter holds, in particular, true with regard to the so-called Moskovi-sanjaq. Before World War I it was sent to the Russian Empire (East Anatolia and the Transcaucasus) every year, but was reported lost in 1914.Based on numerous interviews with Yezidis in Armenia, as well as on official correspondence between British, Iraqi, and Soviet authorities, the first part of the article reconstructs the odyssey of the Moskovi-sanjaq and the seven priests (qewwals) carrying it. It confirms that after 16 years of wandering through the Transcaucasus, five of the seven qewwals were eventually able to return via Odessa and London to the Yezidi heartland in Northern Iraq, but concludes that the Moskovi-sanjaq was ultimately lost in Georgia—confiscated by the Soviet authorities.The second part of the paper describes the history of a second sanjaq, which the author discovered in a village near Yerevan, secretly kept and protected from the prying eyes of non-Yezidis by a sheikhly family. Although all tales and myths, explaining how this second sanjaq arrived in Armenia, are examined and analysed, the origin of that sacred image remains mysterious. The article further paints a detailed picture of the cult, which evolved around the sacred image in Armenia as well as of the—sometimes savage—fights over its possession and the struggle of the keepers of the sanjaq with the Soviet authorities. In addition to interviews with eyewitnesses, the author bases his findings on court decisions and minutes of the councils of Yezidi elders, as well as information found at Yezidi graveyards.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Apendiyev

The First World War was the largest event in the history of mankind, which had a significant impact on the fate of many peoples, including states. One of the main factors was the capture of troops and individuals on the front of the war between warring states and the flight of soldiers as a result of the war. During the war, neighboring states, political allies captured each other's armies and citizens. The capture of citizens of each other took place between the Entente and the central powers. The Russian Empire, which was part of the Entente and was considered the main participant in the war, detained people from the central powers. Citizens of the central powers captured during the war were sent to all regions of the Russian Empire, which also extended to the steppe and Turkestan provinces. Based on this, the Turkestan Territory was considered one of the key regions of the Russian Empire, in which Europeans were accepted. In the era of the empire, European prisoners lived in the Aulie ata district of the Turkestan governor general in the SyrDarya region. Representatives of European nationality have lived in the region since the end of the nineteenth century, and this continued during the years of the First World War. During World War I, the Aulie atа district was considered one of the districts where European prisoners and refugees were received. Although the number of prisoners of war from the central powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary) in the Ayulie atа district is small, traces of political prisoners of war still remain from these states. The article discusses the history of prisoners of war deported to Aulie ata district during the war years. The socio-political status of the citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who arrived in Aulie atа County, their life is studied. The nationality and surname of the captives will be determined, and their standard of living will be determined.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (383) ◽  
pp. 218-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apendiyev T.А. ◽  
Abdukadyrov N.М.

The First World War was the largest event in the history of mankind, which had a significant impact on the fate of many peoples, including states. One of the main factors was the capture of troops and individuals on the front of the war between warring states and the flight of soldiers as a result of the war. During the war, neighboring states, political allies captured each other's armies and citizens. The capture of citizens of each other took place between the Entente and the central powers. The Russian Empire, which was part of the Entente and was considered the main participant in the war, detained people from the central powers. Citizens of the central powers captured during the war were sent to all regions of the Russian Empire, which also extended to the steppe and Turkestan provinces. Based on this, the Turkestan Territory was considered one of the key regions of the Russian Empire, in which Europeans were accepted. In the era of the empire, European prisoners lived in the Aulieata district of the Turkestan governor general in the SyrDarya region. Representatives of European nationality have lived in the region since the end of the nineteenth century, and this continued during the years of the First World War. During World War I, the Aulieatа district was considered one of the districts where European prisoners and refugees were received. Although the number of prisoners of war from the central powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary) in the Aulieatа district is small, traces of political prisoners of war still remain from these states. The article discusses the history of prisoners of war deported to Aulieata district during the war years. The socio-political status of the citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who arrived in Aulieatа County, their life is studied. The nationality and surname of the captives will be determined, and their standard of living will be determined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-411
Author(s):  
Аndrii Chutkyi ◽  

The paper discusses the life of Konstantin Nikolov, a Bulgarian from the town of Gorna Oryahovitsa, during his study at the Kyiv Institute of Commerce (1909 – 1915). The very “insignificance” of this person allows for some wider generalizations, given the fact that precisely such people best reflect the society as a whole. For this reason, the study of ordinary people’s biographies has become an important focus of modern historiography. Nikolov’s student years illustrate some aspects of contemporary Bulgarian history and exemplify the experience of Bulgarian students in the Russian Empire before and during the World War I. The present study is based on archive materials previously untapped by scholars. It also involves some documents relative to Svitozar Drahomanov, who was of Ukrainian origin but spent his childhood in Bulgaria and studied at the Kyiv Institute of Commerce along with Nikolov, as well as documents regarding a trip to Bulgaria by Czesław Madej, another student of the same institute. The study demonstrates that archives of different Kyiv-based higher educational institutions should be explored for more valuable materials regarding Bulgarian born students, which may help draw a fuller picture of Bulgarian-Ukrainian relations in the field of education and culture. This, in turn, will contribute to a deeper understanding of the history of Ukrainian higher education in the early 20th century. It will also provide a wider perspective on the phenomenon of Bulgarians studying abroad before and during the World War I, including the life situations of the students during this period which proved crucial for the whole European civilization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Vadim Mikhailov ◽  
Konstantin Losev

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN SAWYER

Just months after the outbreak of World War I, rumors spread throughout the Russian Empire that Singer Manufacturing Company’s wholly owned Russian subsidiary, Kompaniia Zinger, was a German company that was actively engaged in espionage on behalf of the German military. Even though these rumors were untrue, they unleashed a wave of actions against the company that Singer’s officials were unable to stop, ultimately leading to tremendous losses for the firm. The central argument of this article is that the power of the accusations of Singer’s German ties rested far more on the nature of the company’s business model than on the national affiliation of its personnel or evidence of espionage. In the context of World War I–era Russia, many Russians took Singer’s operations not as those of an international capitalist enterprise, but rather as evidence of the company’s questionable foreign character. This perspective helps us to understand why Singer’s management had such difficulty shaking the accusations of its German ties; if what was suspicious about the company was the very foundation of its business model, then its continued operation meant that it necessarily exhibited characteristics that reinforced the basis for said suspicion. These findings have implications for international business history, the history of late-Tsarist Russia, and the history of capitalism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

Part I of the book—covering Europe’s continental empires—begins with Chapter 2 on the Russian Empire. The state’s overreliance on revenues from the imperial vodka monopoly is laid bare beginning with the temperance revolts of the 1850s, when the empire was almost bankrupted when peasants refused to drink. The understanding of temperance as opposition to imperial autocracy is traced through the antistatist teachings of Leo Tolstoy and early Bolsheviks, including the prohibitionists Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Despite official opposition to “subversive” temperance activism, at the outbreak of World War I in 1914 Tsar Nicholas II made Russia the first prohibitionist state, though the loss of state revenue paved the way for the revolutions of 1917. Lenin maintained a prohibition against the vodka trade, which was only undone after Lenin’s death by Joseph Stalin, who reintroduced the tsarist-era vodka monopoly in the interests of state finance.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati

The national minorities question in Romania has been one of crises and polemics. This is due, in part, to the fact that Greater Romania, established at the end of World War I, brought the Old Romanian Kingdom into a body politic (a kingdom itself relatively free of minority problems), with territories inhabited largely by national minorities. Thus, the population of Transylvania and the Banat, both of which had been constituent provinces of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, included large numbers of Hungarians and Germans, while Bessarabia, a province of the Russian empire, included large numbers of Jews. While the Hungarian (Szeklers and Magyars), Germans (Saxons and Swabians), and Jewish minorities were the largest and most difficult to integrate into Greater Romania, other sizeable national minorities such as the Bulgarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Serbians, Turks, and Gypsies also posed problems to the rulers of Greater Romania during the interwar period and, in some cases, even after World War II.


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