scholarly journals Neoliberalism and democracy

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 17-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodriguez Boetsch

Conclusion: After nearly two decades of largely uninterrupted implementation, neoliberal policies have provided but modest aggregate growth, while income and wealth disparities have increased dramatically, separating the super rich from other social classes. This is most clearly evident in Latin America, where governments, sheltered by a wall of neoliberal doctrine and international compromises, have made themselves highly resistant to popular pressures for income redistribution and changes in the existing social structures. In effect, neoliberalism - coupled with its strange brand of ballot box democracy- has managed to strangle the full array of political forces antagonistic to and resisting its project. Economic power has tended to concentrate in the hands of those social groups that share objectives of accelerated capital accumulation; benefiting themselves, their families, and their elite classes. Evidence of the undemocratic methods utilized by Latin American rulers of neoliberal democracies abound: the excessive use of presidential decrees in Menem's Argentina, the exclusion of popular leaders from consultative bodies Salinas de Gortari's Mexico, or the application of strong arm tactics in Fujimori's Peru, could start a long list.

Author(s):  
Emmanuelle Barozet ◽  
Marcelo Boado ◽  
Ildefonso Marqués-Perales

AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.


1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Bitar

The purpose of this article is to analyze the evolution of economic relations between Latin America and the United States in the 1970s and to suggest the implications of this evolution. The central proposition is that a shift in relative strength took place during this period that created the potential for achieving a new balance of economic power. This shift also created tension in the old pattern of inter-American security links. The process of transforming potential power into real power had relevant implications for economic, political, and security interests.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2097503
Author(s):  
Nordin Lazreg ◽  
Alejandro Angel ◽  
Denis Saint-Martin

Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-168
Author(s):  
Pablo Buchbinder ◽  

The aim of the article is to study the repercussions of the beginning of the Spanish Second Republic and the rebellion of July 18 in various Latin American countries. The cases of Mexico, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay are studied in particular. These repercussions are analyzed in the framework of the rise of dictatorial and authoritarian governments in most of these countries with the exception of Mexico since the early 1930s. The way in which governments, the Spanish immigrant com-munities and the different social groups in these countries acted in the face of both episodes are studied. The repercussions generated by the anticlerical policy of the first government of the second republic are an-alyzed, especially in the face of the dissolution of the company of Jesus and the introduction of secular education. The tensions that these poli-cies provoked in Argentina and Chile and the support that the second republic obtained in Mexico are analyzed. On the other hand, the way in which the news of the uprising of July 18, 1936 was received is studied. The support for the army by the governments of Uruguay and Chile and, again, the support that the Spanish legal government obtained in Mexico is analyzed.


Author(s):  
David Khoudour-Castéras

Since the mid-1970s, most Latin American countries have become net exporters of labour and this trend has accelerated over the past decade. Wide differences in income with industrialised countries, a low level of social investment and the existence of a large national community already established abroad are all factors that are conducive to the emigration of workers. Both geographic and linguistic proximity also play a significant role in this process. However, beyond the structural determinants, emigration also responds to short-term variations in economic activity, increasing when growth lags and unemployment rises, especially if economic conditions are strong in host countries. The linkage between migration flows and economic cycles is also reinforced by fixed exchange rates in the sending country, as labour mobility then acts as an adjustment mechanism. Although the emigration of a portion of the labour force helps the short-term adjustment of Latin American economies by reducing labour market tensions and improving the current account balance, the longterm implications give great cause for concern. In particular, the massive influx of capital through remittances sent by migrant workers to their families might generate a "Dutch disease" situation detrimental to the development of the export sector, while the brain drain might curtail human capital accumulation in Latin America, thereby reducing the region's potential growth. Consequently, Latin American governments must take action in order to try to control a process that could compromise the region's economic and social future.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Islam Md Sazedul

Political parties are crucial for the development of democracy in Bangladesh. They represent interests of different social groups and, by means of participation in elections, affect the development of political and socio-economic power strategies. Thus, political parties provide guarantee of equal rights of all the country’s citizens and contribute to their involvement in the democratic process. The democratic institutions in Bangladesh are represented by 40 officially registered parties, among which the largest and most popular are the Awami League, the Nationalist Party, the Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The article studies political parties’ participation in the life of the country since the establishment of Bangladesh and compares the four main political parties in terms of their ideology, organizational structure, leadership and popular support during elections. Throughout the country’s political history, the winning party has always enjoyed the monopoly of power, which has contributed to the aggravation of conflict between opposition parties and authorities. This situation significantly hinders the country’s socio-economic development. Strikes, often accompanied by extremist violence, are taking place in different parts of the country. The author uses the historical method to analyze the nature of the opposition of various political forces in Bangladesh.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 532
Author(s):  
Glauber Lopes Xavier ◽  
Roseli Martins Tristão Maciel

O presente texto tem por objetivo refletir sobre as abordagens do desenvolvimento, difundidas nos países periféricos, especificamente o caso do Brasil. Ressalta as características ideológicas do pensamento econômico latino americano cujos parâmetros são os processos de acumulação de capital nos países centrais. Fundamenta-se em Marx e no seu materialismo histórico dialético, cuja análise considera que a realidade social e sua dinâmica não existem no vazio e sim na sua historicidade e concretude, a fim de demonstrar a inconsistência e insuficiência das teorias econômicas para a compreensão do processo de desenvolvimento econômico na América Latina, e no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Acumulação de capital. Desenvolvimento. Ideologia.ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL AND IDEOLOGY IN A PERIPHERAL ECONOMY: essay on Brazilian developmentalismAbstractThe present text aims to reflect on the development approaches, spread in peripheral countries, specifically the case of Brazil. It highlights the ideological characteristics of Latin American economic thought whose parameters are the process of capital accumulation in central countries. It is based on Marx and his dialectical historical materialism, whose analysis considers that social reality and its dynamics do not exist in a vacuum but in their historicity and concreteness, in order to demonstrate the inconsistency and insufficiency of economic theories to understand the process of economic development in Latin America, and in Brazil.Keywords: Capital accumulation. Development. Ideology.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-707
Author(s):  
MATÍAS VERNENGO

ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes Joan Robinson's growth model, and then adapted in order to provide an exploratory taxonomy of Growth Eras. The Growth Eras or Ages were for Robinson a way to provide logical connections among output growth, capital accumulation, the degree of thriftiness, the real wage and illustrate a catalogue of growth possibilities. This modified taxonomy follows the spirit of Robinson's work, but it takes different theoretical approaches, which imply that some of her classifications do not fit perfectly the ones here suggested. Latin America has moved from a Golden Age in the 1950s and 1960s, to a Leaden Age in the 1980s, having two traverse periods, one in which the process of growth and industrialization accelerated in the late 1960s and early 1970s, which is here referred to as a Galloping Platinum Age, and one in which a process of deindustrialization, and reprimarization and maquilization of the productive structure took place, starting in the 1990s, which could be referred to as a Creeping Platinum Age.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The article examines a range of forces represented in the political arena of the Latin American countries that recently held general election (Panama, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador). A primary interest is paid to the left radicals, the left centrists, the centrists and the right centrists. While assessing the outcome of the elections the author underlines the trend towards convergence of left and right centrists. This is creating opportunities for their cooperation. Simultaneously, there is a compression of space for the interaction of these political forces with the left radicals.


Author(s):  
Iñaki Ceberio de León ◽  
Clara Olmedo

Ernesto Cardenal, Latin American theologian and one of the main references of Liberation Theology, offers us a poetic work that aims to reconstruct a Latin American identity inspired by the worldviews of the original peoples of the region, while questioning the current neocolonial models supported in neo-extractivism. In the poetry of Ernesto Cardenal the identity of an «ecological subject» can be traced, whose being, feeling and doing are in harmony with non-anthropocentric worldviews. This study is carried out from an ecocritical point of view, which studies the relationships between humans and nature present in the literature and, in a particular way, the tensions between native peoples who vindicate the rights of nature and the neo-extractivist advance typical of the neoliberal policies in Latin America. For this, we include some poems dedicated to the original peoples of Mesoamerica in a decolonial key.


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