ECHOES AND REPERCUSSIONS OF THE PROCLAMATION OF THE SECOND REPUBLIC AND THE START OF THE CIVIL WAR IN LATIN AMERICA: A PRELIMINARY APPROXIMATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-168
Author(s):  
Pablo Buchbinder ◽  

The aim of the article is to study the repercussions of the beginning of the Spanish Second Republic and the rebellion of July 18 in various Latin American countries. The cases of Mexico, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay are studied in particular. These repercussions are analyzed in the framework of the rise of dictatorial and authoritarian governments in most of these countries with the exception of Mexico since the early 1930s. The way in which governments, the Spanish immigrant com-munities and the different social groups in these countries acted in the face of both episodes are studied. The repercussions generated by the anticlerical policy of the first government of the second republic are an-alyzed, especially in the face of the dissolution of the company of Jesus and the introduction of secular education. The tensions that these poli-cies provoked in Argentina and Chile and the support that the second republic obtained in Mexico are analyzed. On the other hand, the way in which the news of the uprising of July 18, 1936 was received is studied. The support for the army by the governments of Uruguay and Chile and, again, the support that the Spanish legal government obtained in Mexico is analyzed.

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Baker

Despite wavy national economies and a perception among observers that economic globalization is growing increasingly unpopular, aggregate support for free trade remains quite high across Latin America. This finding is robust to the wording of survey questions and has been quite resilient through time, even in the face of economic stagnation. Current theories of trade preferences, including the widely applied Heckscher-Ohlin model, do not explain this trend. Instead, the author proposes a theory of trade preferences based not on what citizens produce but on what they consume. Statistical analyses of different surveys, including one conducted in fourteen Latin American countries, demonstrate that a consumption-based approach best accounts for trade preferences across individuals and countries. Moreover, the theory provides an explanation for the overall popularity of free trade in Latin America: citizens recognize and appreciate the lower price, increased variety, and higher quality of goods that have come in the wake of trade liberalization.


2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-634 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA MIOZZO

ABSTRACT East Asian countries have been successful at specialising in machinery and capital goods. Latin American countries, on the other hand, have retreated from these sectors, reinforcing their specialisation in resource-intensive goods. Institutional arrangements in place in both regions explain these divergences. In particular, the differences in the strategy and structure of leading firms, the nature of industrial promotion by the government, the development and support of small and medium-sized firms and the operation of foreign-owned firms may explain the respective success and failure in sectoral specialisation in machinery. Failure to develop these sectors may hinder the process of economic development.


1973 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
William P. Avery ◽  
James D. Cochrane

The Andean Common Market, the most recent attempt at regional integration in Latin America, differs from the other Latin American efforts both in the factors that prompted its formation and in the support it had when it was established. More importantly, it differs in its terms and provisions, providing for a higher level of integration than any other Latin American effort. Several of its features—a common policy on foreign investment, regional planning and coordination in such fields as industry and agriculture, a quasi–supranational secretariat — make it an innovative approach to integration in Latin America. Numerous factors enhance the integrative potential of Andean integration. Among these are relatively favorable ratings on several of the neo–functional variables of regional integration. These indicators suggest that the effort may attain its objectives and perhaps even set an example to be followed by other economic groupings among Latin American countries. Still, projections about the future of the Andean Common Market must remain mixed. Some negative factors exist within the movement that could, if they triumph over the positive factors, lead to the same stagnation that now characterizes LAFTA and the CACM.


2016 ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
T. . Sidorenko

The article analyzes the main directions of expansion and location of Spanish multinationals in the economies of Latin America in the late XX - early XXI centuries. Particular attention is paid to the identification of the competitive advantages of Spanish companies, which would allow them to strengthen their position in the markets of Latin American countries in the post-crisis period.


Author(s):  
Raquel Wille Sarquis ◽  
Rudah Giasson Luccas

This chapter aims to propose a classification based on accounting systems of five Latin American countries that have adopted IFRS. More specifically, we seek to identify which is the position of each country within this group of countries as a whole, providing empirical evidences of whether the accounting practices in Latin America countries are harmonized in the IFRS era, or not. Despite of international efforts around the convergence to IFRS, where companies would use the same accounting standard, reducing the differences in terms of accounting practices, there is empirical evidence of significant differences in the way that IFRS has been applied worldwide, resulting in “national versions of IFRS”. The results of this chapter provide empirical evidence that accounting practices in Latin America countries are harmonized, considering that the five countries analyzed have similar characteristics in terms of accounting systems.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roxana Blasetti

Abstract On 23 April 2021, the Andean Community, comprised of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, adopted and published Decision 876 regulating the common nation brand regime for its territory. As a result, this integrated bloc of Latin American countries became a pioneer in this area. Decision 876 establishes a common regime for protecting country brands against any possible unauthorized registrations or the use of identical or similar signs in the Community’s Members Countries. It is interesting to note that, unlike other integration blocs in Latin America, the Andean Community has made notable progress in harmonizing regional regulations on intellectual property. In this sense, Decision 876 adds to its extensive legal corpus on the topic, with no similar rule existing in the other integration processes in the region. The Decision sets out the basic criteria related to Member Countries’ and third countries’ nation brands, the procedure for their protection and enforcement, and infringements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (65) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Cecilia Bermúdez ◽  
Carlos Dabús

This paper reassesses the evidence presented in Levy-Yeyati and Sturzenegger (LYS) (2003) on the relation between exchange rate regimes and economic growth. We use their de facto classification as well as their database, in order to gain robustness and efficiency in the results. We run System GMM estimations. Additionally, we focus on Latin American countries for the period 1974-2004. Differently to LYS, our evidence indicates that exchange rate regimes are not significant to explain economic growth, both in a worldwide sample of countries and particularly in Latin America. However, in this region flexible regimes appear to have more advantages in terms of the role of the determinants of economic growth in relation to the other exchange regimes.


2016 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Irina Kireeva

The article analyses extraregional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy during the presidency of José Mujica (2010-2015), namely the development of relations between Uruguay and the USA, the European Union, Russia and countries of Asia and Middle East such as China, India, Iran, Palestine and Israel. This aspect of Uruguayan foreign policy is particularly relevant amid the crisis in Mercosur, when Uruguay is trying to mitigate its adverse consequences for the country’s economy by expanding trade ties with the other countries, both within Latin America and beyond it. The relations between Uruguay and Latin American countries are touched upon in some investigations while Uruguay’s active foreign policy in other regions isn’t studied at all


2007 ◽  
Vol 136 (4) ◽  
pp. 496-503 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. E. LUCERO ◽  
S. M. AYALA ◽  
G. I. ESCOBAR ◽  
N. R. JACOB

SUMMARYWe report a retrospective analysis of 1933Brucellastrains isolated from humans and animals in Latin American countries between 1968 and 1991 and in Argentina between 1994 and 2006. During the first period 50% of strains were from humans, mainly from Argentina, Mexico and Peru but, whileB. suiswas the main cause of infection in Argentina,B. melitensiswas responsible for most infections in the other countries. In Argentina in the later years,B. melitensisandB. suiswere observed more frequently than in the first period while isolation ofB. abortusdecreased. Of 145B. melitensishuman isolates, eight gave susceptibility patterns to dyes and penicillin and two wereB. melitensisbiovar 3, which has never been reported in animals. Forty-six percent ofB. suisisolated were resistant to dyes which is an atypical feature in this species.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


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