scholarly journals War veterans: Factor of instability or factor of peace (building)

Temida ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-37
Author(s):  
Jelena Grujic

It is the characteristic of the entire region of the former Yugoslavia that veterans of regional wars 1991-1999 are marginalized social group. Besides negative consequences for veterans, the marginalization strongly affects the whole communities, as well as very sensitive regional post conflict relations. Still, negative consequences that veterans suffer nowadays can be transformed into precious, positive potential for building of a good and healthy post-conflict societies and good neighborhood relationships as well. This paper is focused on the position of war veterans from Serbia, which recently became the subject of public debate on the occasion of the publication of the book "Oh, where have you been, my blue-eyed son?".

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 305-326
Author(s):  
R. Craig Nation

The wars in former Yugoslavia from 1991–2001, and Ukraine from 2014 to the present, provide revealing examples of the ways in which contemporary armed conflict is evolving. Their origins lay in domestic rather than inter-state disputes, and they emerged as civil wars born of state failure. The belligerent factions were diverse, including established states, new national polities, and radicalized non-state actors. Operationally the wars were liquid conflicts where adversaries, lacking decisive combat power, often shunned conventional military objectives in favor of attacks on populations, terroristic posturing, and symbolic gestures. The conflicts were internationalized, with powerful external actors at odds over responsibility and preferred outcomes. They were European wars, with European and Euro-Atlantic institutions directly engaged in conflict management, peace enforcement, and post-conflict peace building. The conflicts have contributed to the break down of cooperative security in 21st century Europe and the re-opening of an East-West divide running through the heart of the continent. Managing and containing such clashes is and will remain a major strategic challenge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-17
Author(s):  
V. Bobkov

The article deals with searching a reply to whether a flexible (non-standart) employment leads to global chaos in the sphere of employment or to a new model of the labour market stabilityThe Object of the Study: workers grouped together in five employment structures according to the contract terms.The Subject of the Study. The theoretic aspect of the subject reveals the labour relations in standard and non-standard forms of employment. The empiric aspect of the subject of the study describes the peculiarities of employment in selecting workers according to gender, age, residence (in federal okrugs) and status in the sphere of labour, proportional general totality of workers according to general totality of workers according for the Rosstat data.The Purpose of the Study is taking Russian economy as an example to give common and specific characteristics of current employment relations in various structures and suggest the ways for regulating it in the interest of labour, capital and the state. The main theoretic aspects of the article show favorable opportunities for the growth and realizing the labour and business potential of workers as a result of increasing the flexibility of employment. Besides, they characterize the problems in consequence of the fact of losing labour and social guarantees of workers.The Main Empiric Aspects of the Article defines the structures of employed workers, differentiated according to the combination of standard and non-standard forms of their employment.The Results of the Study are focused on working out proposals for realizing the positive potential of flexible employment and reducing its negative consequences.


Temida ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Novica Kostic

In the period from 1991. to 1999. over 1500000 people in former Yugoslavia were members of dozens military formations that participated in the war in different manners and with various motives. These persons have actively contributed to the tragedy caused by war, that was and for some time will be the most important factor of social and personal relationships between individuals and the nations in the member states of former Yugoslavia. They are now left on their own and exposed to manipulation by nationalist centers and certain politicians. Because of their wartime past, they are usually depicted as the carriers of nationalistic and warmongering ideas on the 'other' side. However, viewed from the aspect of peace-building, ex-soldiers represent a significant potential, because many of them, in fact, have a need to contribute to building a more just society and feel responsible for what happened. In this paper it is discussed how some war veterans decided to join forces and contribute to the reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia by their joint activities.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Menkhaus

In an anarchic corner of northern Kenya in the mid-199os, a collection oflocal non-state actors led by a women's market group created an umbrella movement that came to establish an impressive level of peace and security across an entire region. The Kenyan government forged a formal relationship with this group in Wajir, essentially sub-contracting out important functions oflocal government to local civic leaders, and using its partnership with the Wajir group as a template for similar state-sanctioned governance arrangements in other troubled border areas of the country. The Wajir story is examined in this article as an example of a "mediated state" approach to rebuilding rule oflaw through non-state actors in a conflict and post-conflict setting. Key words: mediated-state, state-building, civil society, peace-building,failed state, northern Kenya


i-Perception ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 204166952110211
Author(s):  
Claus-Christian Carbon

Wearing face masks in times of COVID-19 is one of the essential keystones for effectively decreasing the rate of new infections and thus for mitigating the negative consequences for individuals as well as for society. Acceptance of wearing masks is still low in many countries, making it extremely difficult to keep the pandemic at bay. In an experimental study, participants ( N = 88) had to assess how strange they felt when wearing a face mask while being exposed to displays of groups of varying numbers of mask wearers. Three different types of face masks were shown: simple homemade masks, FFP2 masks, and loop scarfs. The higher the frequency of people wearing masks in the displayed social group, the less strange the participants felt about themselves, an essential precondition for accepting wearing masks. This effect of a descriptive social norm was particularly effective when people saw others wearing less intrusive masks, here, simple homemade masks.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Clarissa Augustinus ◽  
Ombretta Tempra

According to the United Nations (UN) Refugee Agency, there were 79.5 million forcibly displaced people worldwide by the end of 2019. Evictions from homes and land are often linked to protracted violent conflict. Land administration (LA) can be a small part of UN peace-building programs addressing these conflicts. Through the lens of the UN and seven country cases, the problem being addressed is: what are the key features of fit-for-purpose land administration (FFP LA) in violent conflict contexts? FFP LA involves the same LA elements found in conventional LA and FFP LA, and LA in post conflict contexts, as it supports peace building and conflict resolution. However, in the contexts being examined, FFP LA also has novel features as well, such as extra-legal transitional justice mechanisms to protect people and their land rights and to address historical injustices and the politics of exclusion that are the root causes of conflict. In addition, there are land governance and power relations’ implications, as FFP LA is part of larger UN peace-building programs. This impacts the FFP LA design. The cases discussed are from Darfur/Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Honduras, Iraq, Jubaland/Somalia, Peru and South Sudan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Arlinda Rrustemi

Abstract This article uncovers the nexus between the state- and peacebuilding efforts and religious violent extremism. Exploring an exemplary lifestory interview with a directly affected individual, the article makes use of empirical data to inform the current theoretical debates on the subject. The article shows how the inefficient state and peace building efforts unintendedly lead to a rise in religious violent extremism. These errors from the international community in Kosovo became a source of religious violent extremism in the case of Kosovo, as the exemplary lifestory shows.


Author(s):  
Sarah G. Phillips

For all of the doubts raised about the effectiveness of international aid in advancing peace and development, there are few examples of developing countries that are even relatively untouched by it. This book offers us one such example. Using evidence from Somaliland’s experience of peace-building, the book challenges two of the most engrained presumptions about violence and poverty in the global South. First, that intervention by actors in the global North is self-evidently useful in ending them, and second that the quality of a country’s governance institutions (whether formal or informal) necessarily determines the level of peace and civil order that the country experiences. The book explores how popular discourses about war, peace, and international intervention structure the conditions of possibility to such a degree that even the inability of institutions to provide reliable security can stabilize a prolonged period of peace. It argues that Somaliland’s post-conflict peace is grounded less in the constraining power of its institutions than in a powerful discourse about the country’s structural, temporal, and physical proximity to war. Through its sensitivity to the ease with which peace gives way to war, the book argues, this discourse has indirectly harnessed an apparent propensity to war as a source of order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew

This study critically explores the extent to which the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) (such as the African Standby Force (ASF), the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), Panel of the Wise (PoW) and the Peace Fund (PF)) have been successful in achieving their institutional objectives, as well as the degree to which they are able to contribute to the work of the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC). The AU PSC as a key pillar of the APSA is the main decision-making body regarding issues of peace and security. In order to achieve its responsibility, the AU PSC shall be supported by the African Standby Force, the Continental Early Warning System, Panel of the Wise and the Peace Fund. APSA is the umbrella term for the key African Union (AU) mechanisms for promoting peace, security and stability in the African continent. More specifically, it is an operational structure for the effective implementation of the decisions taken in the areas of conflict prevention, peace-making, peace support operations and intervention, as well as peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction. APSA is envisioned as a means by which Africa can take a greater role in managing peace and security on the continent, with the objective of offering “African solutions to African problems”.


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