scholarly journals War veterans as peace builders

Temida ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Novica Kostic

In the period from 1991. to 1999. over 1500000 people in former Yugoslavia were members of dozens military formations that participated in the war in different manners and with various motives. These persons have actively contributed to the tragedy caused by war, that was and for some time will be the most important factor of social and personal relationships between individuals and the nations in the member states of former Yugoslavia. They are now left on their own and exposed to manipulation by nationalist centers and certain politicians. Because of their wartime past, they are usually depicted as the carriers of nationalistic and warmongering ideas on the 'other' side. However, viewed from the aspect of peace-building, ex-soldiers represent a significant potential, because many of them, in fact, have a need to contribute to building a more just society and feel responsible for what happened. In this paper it is discussed how some war veterans decided to join forces and contribute to the reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia by their joint activities.

Temida ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-37
Author(s):  
Jelena Grujic

It is the characteristic of the entire region of the former Yugoslavia that veterans of regional wars 1991-1999 are marginalized social group. Besides negative consequences for veterans, the marginalization strongly affects the whole communities, as well as very sensitive regional post conflict relations. Still, negative consequences that veterans suffer nowadays can be transformed into precious, positive potential for building of a good and healthy post-conflict societies and good neighborhood relationships as well. This paper is focused on the position of war veterans from Serbia, which recently became the subject of public debate on the occasion of the publication of the book "Oh, where have you been, my blue-eyed son?".


2006 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Sándor Richter

The order and modalities of cross-member state redistribution as well as the net financial position of the member states are one of the most widely discussed aspects of European integration. The paper addresses selected issues in the current debate on the EU budget for the period 2007 to 2013 and introduces four scenarios. The first is identical to the European Commission's proposal; the second is based on reducing the budget to 1% of the EU's GNI, as proposed by the six net-payer countries, while maintaining the expenditure structure of the Commission's proposal. The next two scenarios represent radical reforms: one of them also features a '1% EU GNI'; however, the expenditures for providing 'EU-wide value-added' are left unchanged and it is envisaged that the requisite cuts will be made in the expenditures earmarked for cohesion. The other reform scenario is different from the former one in that the cohesion-related expenditures are left unchanged and the expenditures for providing 'EU-wide value-added' are reduced. After the comparison of the various scenarios, the allocation of transfers to the new member states in terms of the conditions prevailing in the different scenarios is analysed.


Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.


1987 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Good

The nine member-states of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (S.A.D.C.C.) – Zimbabwe, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Tanzania, Malawi, Lesotho, Swaziland – are notable for their collective weakness relative to South Africa, and their very wide economic and political heterogeneity.1 Only four, or at most five, have economies whose annual G.D.P. exceeds $2,000 million: two of these, Angola and Mozambique, are under more or less constant attack from South Africa or its surrogate forces, while Tanzania is actually the most remote, physically and economically. At the same time, Malawi, Swaziland, and Lesotho – who are not in the so-called ‘Frontline’, unlike the other six – have rather close political relations with Pretoria, Malawi most substantively since as early as 1966 and Swaziland since 1982.2 Botswana is more independent politically, with a modest G.D.P. and very small population.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhida CHEN

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has, on various occasions, concluded treaties on behalf of its Member States. This raises some interesting questions: is ASEAN entitled to enter into treaties on behalf of its Member States; and if so, what should be the status of ASEAN and its Member States vis-à-vis the other party to the treaty? The issue is not one of whether the ASEAN Member States have consented to such a practice—it must be assumed that they have. Instead, the real issue is whether such treaty-making practice can and should be valid under international law, even if the Member States have consented for ASEAN to conclude these treaties on their behalf. This paper will argue that, under international law, ASEAN is entitled to conclude treaties on behalf of its Member States.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-86
Author(s):  
Dragan Trailovic

The article explores the European Union's approach to human rights issues in China through the processes of bilateral and multilateral dialogue on human rights between the EU and the People's Republic of China, on the one hand. On the other hand, the paper deals with the analysis of the EU's human rights policy in the specific case of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, which is examined through normative and political activities of the EU, its institutions and individual member states. Besides, the paper examines China's response to the European Union's human rights approaches, in general, but also when it comes to the specific case of UAR Xinjiang. ?his is done through a review of China's discourse and behaviour within the EU-China Human Rights Dialogue framework, but also at the UN level and within the framework of bilateral relations with individual member states. The paper aims to show whether and how the characteristics of the EU's general approach to human rights in China are reflected in the individual case of Xinjiang. Particular attention shall be given to the differentiation of member states in terms of their approach to human rights issues in China, which is conditioned by the discrepancy between their political values, normative interests and ideational factors, on the one hand, and material factors and economic interests, on the other. Also, the paper aims to show the important features of the different views of the European Union and the Chinese state on the very role of Human Rights Dialogue, as well as their different understandings of the concept of human rights itself. The study concluded that the characteristics of the Union's general approach to human rights in China, as well as the different perceptions of human rights issues between China and the EU, were manifested in the same way in the case of UAR Xinjiang.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 473
Author(s):  
María José Castellanos Ruiz

Resumen: En el Reglamento (UE) 650/2012 no existe una norma específica que regule la competencia en materia de expedición de certificados sucesorios nacionales, incluso no se utiliza nunca la expresión “certificado sucesorio nacional” como tal, sino que los denomina “documentos internos empleados en los Estados miembros para fines similares” a los de los certificados sucesorios europeos. Sin embargo, dicho instrumento internacional sí que contempla una regulación específica relativa a la competencia en materia de expedición de certificados sucesorios europeos (art. 64 Reglamento (UE) 650/2012). Pues bien, ante la “aparente laguna legal” en relación con los certificados sucesorios nacionales, se debe determinar, si dentro del concepto de “totalidad de la sucesión” -que indica el ámbito de aplicación del Reglamento-, se encuentran dichos certificados. En cuyo caso, las normas de competencia del capítulo II del Reglamento sucesorio serían de aplicación a la expedición de los certificados sucesorios nacionales y a los procedimientos relativos a ellos. En este sentido, la Sentencia del TJUE 21 junio 2018, Vincent Pierre Oberle, C-20/17 y, sobre todo, las Conclusiones del Abogado General Sr. M. Szpunar, han venido a solucionar esta “laguna legal”, así como otras cuestiones planteadas de gran importancia, en relación con el asunto concreto que se estaba dirimiendo. Se debe destacar que, con el fallo de la sentencia, se resuelve una cuestión que puede ser relevante para todos los Estados miembros en los que se contempla la posibilidad de que los órganos judiciales expidan certificados sucesorios nacionales.Palabras clave: Reglamento (UE) 650/2012, certificado sucesorio nacional, certificado sucesorio europeo, competencia internacional, tribunal, notario, resolución, totalidad de la sucesión.Abstract: In Regulation (EU) 650/2012 there is no specific provision that regulates the competence in the issue of national certificates of succession, even the term “national succession of certificate” is never used as such, but rather calls them “internal documents used for similar purposes in the Member States” to those of European Certificates of Succession. However, this international instrument contemplates a specific regulation governing the competence in the issue of European Certificate of Succession (art. 64 Regulation (EU) 650/2012). Well, given the “apparent legal loophole” in relation to national certificates of succession, it must be determined, if within the concept “succession as a whole” -which indicates the scope of the Regulation-, such certificates are found. In which case, the jurisdiction rules of Chapter II of this Regulation would apply to the issuance of national certificates of succession and the procedures related to them. In this regard, the CJEU Judgement of 21st June 2018, Vincent Pierre Oberle, C-20/17, and, above all, the Conclusions of the Advocate General Mr. M. Szpunar, have come to solve this “legal loophole”, as well as others issues raised of great importance, in relation to the specific issue that was being settled. This case, on the other hand, involves the resolution of an issue which could be relevant to all Member States where provision is made for judicial authorities to issue national certificates of succession. Keywords: Regulation (EU) 650/2012, national certificate of succession, European Certificate of Succession, international jurisdiction, court, notary, resolution, succession as a whole.


Author(s):  
Robert Walters

Most people across the world automatically assume citizenship at birth or acquire citizenship by descent or naturalisation. Since the growth of the concept of citizenship from the French and American Revolutions, it has become an important principle to the nation state and individual. Citizenship is the right to have rights. However, the right to citizenship is limited. In some cases when territorial rule changes the citizenship laws may exclude individuals resident in the territory. This article compares the development of the first citizenship laws in Australia and Slovenia, and the impact that these new laws had on the residents of both states. The first citizenship laws established by Australia were in 1948. More than forty years later in 1990, when Slovenia finally obtained independence from the former Yugoslavia, the new country was able to establish their own citizenship laws. The result of the Slovenian citizenship laws saw many former Yugoslav citizens who were resident in Slovenia being without citizenship of any state. Subsequently, these people were declared stateless. On the other hand, for Australia, the outcome was relatively smooth with the transition from British subjects to Australian citizenship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
D. Sharma ◽  
◽  
M. Ospanova ◽  

The article deals with the problems of empathic abilities of foreign students and Kazakh students of Karaganda Medical University. Special attention is paid to the characteristics of empathy in different cultures, the definitions of which cover a wide range of emotional States, including caring for others and the desire to help them; to experience emotions that correspond to the emotions of another person; to distinguish what the other person thinks or feels. Empathy is needed to increase productivity, to develop competence in communication, to create deeper and personal relationships. Empathy can also be understood as a person’s emotional responsiveness to the experiences of another person, a response to the feelings of another, as well as empathy – a person’s experience of the same emotional States that the other is experiencing, on the basis of complete identification.


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