Christian Affirmation in The Book of the Duchess

PMLA ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-251
Author(s):  
Rodney Delasanta

Chaucer's elegy, The Book of the Duchess, has been read in the past either as an exercise in exclusively human consolation without religious meaning or—by the patristic critics—as so rigidly iconographic that the obvious dramatic situation has been sacrificed to accommodate patristic truths. Chaucer's real intention is more divinely directed than the former and more humanly directed than the latter. The poem offers Christian consolation complementary to the dramatic situation by weaving images of the resurrection into the warp and woof of mute pity. The recurrence of sleeping images, for example, in the case of the Dreamer himself and in the case of Ceys and Alcione, functions as a salubrious intermission between an anguished consciousness and a redemptive awakening. The repetition of horn blasts, both in the underworld episode and the hart-hunting scene, suggests the resurrectional trumpet of the New Testament. And the hunting scene, ambiguously involved as it is with the hart, suggests through the echoic use of resurrectional diction from the Canticle of Canticles further Christian affirmation about the mystery of immortality.

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Gilles Dorival

Catenae appeared in Judaea/Palestine at the beginning of the sixth century. They consist of commentaries, homilies, scholia of the past centuries, and any other literary form in which Scripture verses are explained. Ecclesiastical writings are quoted in the form of extracts, sometimes literal, sometimes rewritten, according to the order of the verses of each Biblical book. Each extract is normally preceded by the name of its author in the genitive case. With time, the catenae were formed not only from commentaries, homilies, scholia, and other patristic writings, but also from pre-existing catenae mixed with these sources. After the sixth century, catenae became the most important media of biblical commentary until the end of the Byzantium Empire (1453). Many debated issues remain. Is Procopius of Gaza (470–530) the father of the catenae? Maybe the two-author catenae predate him, even if this form is better connected with the Byzantine humanism of the ninth and tenth centuries. As for the multiple-author catenae, it is not certain if any of them do are prior Procopius. The compilers of the catenae began their project with the Old Testament, as it was considered to be obscure and foundational to the New Testament, whereas the New Testament was considered to be clear and explicative of the Old Testament. The identity of the compilers of the catenae is shrouded in mystery. Only a few names are known: chiefly, Procopius of Gaza in Palestine and Nicetas of Heraclea in Constantinople. Other names have been proposed: the patriarch Photius, Peter of Laodicea, John Drougarios, but without any persuasive arguments. A final issue concerns Monophysite (or Miaphysite) catenae: were some catenae Monophysite? Or was this literary form indifferent to questions of orthodoxy? In some catenae, Severus of Antioch is called ‘saint’, which may indicate a Monophysite origin. Finally, despite recent progress, many catenae still await publication. For instance, Nicetas’ catena on the Psalms is a monumental work of Byzantine scholarship and it deserves to be available to modern readers.


1980 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. E. Michalson

Even the most casual observer of the contemporary theological scene knows that Wolfhart Pannenberg's theology relies heavily on the resurrection of Jesus as a genuinely historical event. The peculiarity of this is that a theologian who has accurately been called a ‘rationalist’ should so forthrightly embrace a claim that the entire thrust of post-Enlightenment theology has seemingly undermined. But Pannenberg himself contends that his reliance on the resurrection is not legitimated by the subterfuge of an existential ‘moment’ or ‘leap of faith’; instead, he argues for the acceptance of the resurrection on purely historical grounds. This argument implicitly rests on Pannenberg's conviction that ‘the truth is one’ and that the theologian's worst mistake is to cut the ties between theology and secular disciplines and modes of inquiry, a conviction that has recently received its most forceful statement in Pannenberg's Theology and the Philosophy of Science. This means that, insofar as belief in the resurrection of Jesus entails a claim about a past event, the standard methods by which we normally adjudicate claims about the past must be brought into play. Accordingly, the resurrection of Jesus is for Pannenberg not a ‘faith claim’, for ‘faith cannot ascertain anything certain about events of the past that would perhaps be inaccessible to the historian’. Instead, the resurrection of Jesus must be understood as the best historical explanation accounting for the New Testament witness and the rise of Christianity.


1967 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-337
Author(s):  
J. K. Howard

The events of the Exodus, in which the Passover occupied a central and dominant place, were one of the most deeply rooted of all Israel's traditions. The Passover itself lay at the very heart of the covenant concept and forms the basis of the Heilsgeschichte which records the redemptive acts of God for His people Israel. In later Judaism it became overlaid with eschatological ideas, especially those associated with a Messianic deliverance for the people of God, as God's saving act in the past became the prefigurement of an even greater saving act in the future. The Passover night was thus a night of joy for all Israel, the night on which Israel's future redemption, effected through the Messiah, would be revealed. The early Christians, however, believed that this Messianic deliverance had already appeared in the person of Jesus of Nazareth, and consequently, in Preiss' expression,‘the totality of the events of the Exodus centering on the Passover’ together with its associated ideas occupied a dominant position in Christian soteriological thought in the New Testament period, especially as Jesus Himself had instituted the eucharist in a distinctly Paschal setting. We may trace, as has been done in recent years, the idea of the Exodus complex of events running as a constant theme through the New Testament writings, and Jesus is pictured both as a second Moses leading His people forth from a bondage far greater than the slavery of a human despot, from the thraldom of sin and death, and as the Antitype of the very Passover sacrifice itself, through which the redemption of the New Israel was effected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
A.J. Van den Herik

The prophets describe the future of Israel in a concrete manner and with vivid colours. Against the doom that Israel experiences, they proclaim a bright future, in which all that Israel received from the Lord, shall be restored. There is much discussion about how the interpretation of these eschatological pictures: more literally or more spiritually? Or is there a way in between? This article proposes an interpretative framework. Starting with the basis and content of the prophetic hope (God’s covenant) it explores the language and peculiarities of prophetic preaching, it shows how the context of the New Testament requires a recontextualization of the past promises, and it reaffirms the special position of Israel. The function of symbolism needs rearticulation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (257) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Antônio Silva

A história do passado permite ver que o padrinho, com vários nomes, foi usado já no Novo Testamento. Foi também criticado (Tertuliano), foi necessidade e até transformou-se em família sagrada para o batizado, a ponto de tornar-se problema do Tridentino. O Código de Direito Canônico de 1917 estabeleceu condições para ser padrinho, que o Código de 1983 reviu com muitas discussões A legislação atual, não assumida por muitos pastores, dá aos pais importância maior na responsabilidade no batismo das crianças, mas é bem mais adulta no aceitar os padrinhos para pequenos e grandes.Abstract: Thanks to the history of the past we can see that the figure of the godfather, with different names, was already used in the New Testament. It was also criticized, (Tertullian), it became an essential feature and even became a sacred family for the baptized, so much so that it also became a problem for the Council of Trent. The 1917 Code of Canon Law established the conditions for someone to become a godfather, and those were reviewed by the 1983 Code, after much discussion. The present legislation, not accepted by many persons, gives the parents greater responsibility in their children’ baptism, but is much more mature in its acceptance of godparents for children or adults.


1997 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. J.C. Van Wyk

The origins of the confession 'Jesus is God' in earliest Christianity: A quest for sound methodology and criteria. In this study an argument is made for reopening the debate on one of the most central and crucial confessions of Christianity, namely 'Jesus is God'. In current Christological research there is an apparent discepancy concerning the divinity of Jesus if the results of recent historical Jesus research is compared with the Constantine Confessions (Nicea and Chalcedon). Moreover, prominent scholars today point out that there are traces of a process of development within the writings of the New Testament that can boil down to a possible 'process of divinization' of Jesus in early Christianity. No conclusions concerning these matters are drawn in this study. The research problem is identified and it is shown that the theme is highly relevant. Examples are given of multiple and discordant conclusions of scholars who dealt with this problem in the past. Against this background, it is argued that sound methodology and criteria are necessary in trying to reach a justifiable conclusion.


Author(s):  
S. J. Joubert

A broadened perspective to the past? The social scientific approach to the New Testament This paper focuses on the possibilities that the social scientific approach holds out for the understanding of the New Testament. A review of the contributions of the sociological and the cultural anthropological approaches to the New Testament is undertaken before the social-scientific approach as a whole is evaluated. The use of social-scientific models, in particular, in the construction of the possible social contexts of the New Testament documents, is evaluated in terms of the ability of these contexts to establish ‘new’ systems of meaning.


1923 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-344
Author(s):  
Charles C. Torrey

In the numerous discussions of the Greek of New Testament documents with reference to the question of translation from Aramaic originals, the Fourth Gospel has generally been left out of account. The language of the Synoptists has been examined very diligently from this point of view, especially during the past two or three decades, and at least one competent Semitic scholar has published material of high importance. Wellhausen, in his “Evangelium Marci” (1903) and especially in his “Einleitung in die Drei Ersten Evangelien” (1905; 2d ed., 1911), argued, perhaps not quite conclusively, for an Aramaic original of our Gospel of Mark; and he and many others have discussed, in a somewhat desultory fashion, the question of possible written Semitic sources for portions of Matthew and Luke. To the majority of New Testament scholars it probably would seem superfluous, to many perhaps even ridiculous, to raise similar queries in regard to John, whether it be proposed to regard it as a formal translation, from beginning to end, or as “based on Semitic sources”—whatever this vague and unprofitable formula may mean. Since the time when the origin and authorship of the book first began to be discussed, its essentially Hellenistic character has rarely been questioned. It is generally taken for granted at the present day, even by those scholars who are most inclined to look for “translation Greek” in the New Testament. The reasons for this are obvious, and good as far as they go.


2017 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Piet A. Geyser

This article reflects on hermeneutics in the widest sense of the concept and not on the detailed technicalities from philosophical and other perspectives. Hermeneutics will be taken to refer to the whole act and process of understanding. It is done with special reference to how the understanding of Scripture and specifically the New Testament of theologians of the Netherdutch Reformed Church over the past seven decades, is reflected in the work in the HTS Theological Studies journal. It is clear that their approach to the understanding and concretisation of the message of the New Testament was one of greatest respect for Scripture. The basic tenet throughout was that the Word of God was to be found in the Bible. There was no assumption that Bible and Word of God were identified on one and the same level. Taking the Bible as literature seriously implied that the best scientific methods had to be found and implemented in this search for the meaning of the Word of God for the Church’s message and practice in the world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Wielenga

In this article historical research into Haggai’s eschatological sayings (Hg 2:6–9, 20–23) is combined with a homiletic approach to these two sayings, employing a canon-historical methodology. First, Haggai’s silence about the past of the, in 539 bcreturned, exiles is investigated. His evaluation of this period will be compared with the one by Ezra-Nehemiah. His emphasis on the present time as decision time with a view to the eschatological future, will be examined. Attention will be given to the role the rebuilt temple played in his prophecies, and the kind of contribution he made to prophetic eschatology. Secondly, the homiletic approach to Haggai’s eschatological sayings requires a canonical reflection on their relationship with the New Testament eschatology with a view to strengthen the community of faith’s eschatological prospects in the present time.In hierdie artikel word ’n historiese ondersoek na Haggai se eskatologiese uitsprake (Hag 2:6–9, 20–23) met ’n homiletiese benadering tot albei uitsprake gekombineer met behulp van ’n kanon-historiese metodologie. Eerstens word Haggai se stilswye oor die verlede van die teruggekeerde ballinge van voor 522 v.C. ondersoek en met die beoordeling van dieselfde tydperk deur Esra-Nehemia vergelyk. Sy nadruk op die huidige tyd as beslissingstyd met die oog op die eskatologiese toekoms word bestudeer. Aandag word ook aan die rol geskenk wat die tempel in sy profesieë gespeel het en watter bydrae hy tot die profetiese eskatologie gemaak het. Tweedens vereis die homiletiese benadering van die eskatologiese uitsprake in Haggai om vanuit ’n kanonieke oogpunt op die verhouding met die Nuwe-Testamentiese eskatologie te reflekteer, met die doel om die geloofsgemeenskap se eskatologiese verwagtings in die huidige tyd te versterk.


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