The Politics of Labor Protest in Mexico

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Handelman
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Labor Movements ◽  
Occupational Groups ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Labor Protest ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Ruling Party

In years past, Mexico's political system was often cited as a model for political development in the “third world” (Scott, 1974, 1965). While most Latin American governments allowed associational interest groups little opportunity to articulate their needs and demands, Mexico's ruling party (the PRI) provided institutionalized representation for three major segments of the nation's population: the agrarian sector (peasants and agricultural workers); the middle class (the “popular sector”); and organized labor unions. Anderson and Cockcroft (1966: 16) indicated that “the Mexican national leadership seem … to be committed to tolerating a substantial amount of political pluralism. It is taken for granted … that occupational groups attempt to promote their interests and demands through organizations.”More recently, however, a “revisionist” group of political scientists has disputed the contention that Mexico is moving toward democratic pluralism; instead they characterize its political system as essentially authoritarian (Purcell, 1973; Johnson, 1971; Stevens, 1970; Davis and Coleman, 1974). In this article I shall examine the degree of latitude which the Mexican political system allows independent labor movements I in articulating the demands of their members and in pressing I those demands on the ruling party.

Colombian Parties and Political Development

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Peeler
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Traditional Authority ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
Latin American Countries

Colombia remains one of a very small group of countries in Latin America which retain competitive, liberal-democratic political institutions at this writing. Indeed, Colombia's civil government, recognizing a modicum of individual liberties and conducting periodic elections, has been shattered on relatively few occasions since the mid-nineteenth century, a record equalled or surpassed by few other Latin American countries. The Colombian political system is still dominated by the two traditional political parties (Liberal and Conservative) which arose in Colombia and elsewhere in the region in the nineteenth century. In almost every other country they have long since passed into oblivion or insignificance. This continued dominance by the traditional parties is commonly attributed to their successful mobilization of mass support, especially among the peasantry. The Colombian parties (unlike their counterparts elsewhere) early moved beyond being mere elite factions by using traditional authority relationships, clientelistic exchanges and ideological appeals to develop durable bases of mass support.

Ideological Change and an Emerging Counter-Culture in Tunisian Politics

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third World ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Counter Culture ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Ideological Change

Tunisia A has long been regarded as a model of political development and stability in the Third World. There is no doubt that the charismatic Habib Bourguiba, the aging (71) yet indefatigable leader of an effective nation-wide party apparatus, has helped ensure Tunisia's development from the period of the pre-independence struggle until today. It is not unnatural, therefore, given the critical role of Bourguiba in the operation of the political system, to question the degree of institutionalisation, stability, modernity, and democracy that Tunisia could retain after the passing of its dynamic leader.

Political pluralism in Morocco

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. William Zartman
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Phenomenon ◽  
Common Elements ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
The Common ◽  
Separated Powers

Le système politique rnarocain est original en Afrique, non seulernent parce que le Maroc est doté d'un régime monarchique rnais aussi parce que ce pays est Ie seul à avoir tenté et poursuivi depuis son accession à l’indépendance une experience de multipartisme.Societies are generally neither monolithic nor homogeneous; every political system must deal with the problem of pluralism in some way. But political systems tend to be organized hierarchically, with power and authority concentrated at the top. The confrontation of social pluralism and political concentration can well give rise to tensions, since centralized political structures deal with diversified social interests. Tensions are also likely to grow out of pluralism within the political structure itself, as factions form on the bases of personalities, programmes and interests. Factions can exist within a single organizational or institutional framework, or they can be reflected in competing parties, checking and balancing institutions, and separated powers. The single-party regime has often become a familiar way of containing these tensions and factions in developing countries, particularly in Africa, and the existence of many African single-party regimes has led to efforts to discover the common elements behind the common phenomenon. The purpose of this study is not to challenge these explanations, but to look more broadly into the nature of interests, factions and power in developing polities, suggesting a model of political development that puts both unipartism and political pluralism in their places.

scholarly journals Interaction of law-making and political pluralism in modern conditions of Ukraine’s development

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
T. O. Didych
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Functional Potential ◽  
Legislative Activity ◽  
Regulatory Potential ◽  
The One ◽  
Law Making

The paper reveals the relevance of scientific knowledge of theoretical and legal aspects of the interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism in modern conditions of Ukraine. It is noted that the interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism is mainly an instrumental category, which is a feature of lawmaking and political pluralism, as well as the limits of influence on each other, according to which it is possible to measure the functioning of these legal phenomena, to establish their dynamics or functioning. determine their social purpose, regulatory potential and the state of their implementation. The interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism determines the possibility of their measurement, establishing the conformity of lawmaking to the objective conditions of political development of society and vice versa – the level of compliance of political pluralism with the requirements set by law. It is proved that the interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism is not chaotic and situational, but based on appropriate forms of interaction. Based on the analysis of scholars’ views on the understanding of the interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism, the existence of forms of such interaction is substantiated, as well as their features are identified, which is explained by the following: first, lawmaking and political pluralism are phenomena of the legal plan, respectively endowed with legal essence, determined by social development, develop synchronously and are able to function effectively only by interacting with each other. Such interaction takes place within the legal field, is manifested in the activities of lawmakers and the political system, allows to consolidate their efforts within socially useful activities and achieve socially useful results (formation of a perfect legal framework and building an effective, stable, organized political system); secondly, the interaction of lawmaking and political pluralism is manifested in their respective manifestations, which finds its expression in specific forms that reflect the peculiarities of their synchronous functioning, interaction and consequences that arise as a result of such interaction. Forms of interaction between lawmaking and political pluralism are multiple, as evidenced, on the one hand, by their multifaceted nature as phenomena of political and legal reality, and on the other hand – the multidimensionality of their impact on political and legal reality. The combination of forms of interaction between lawmaking and political pluralism allows to maximize their functional potential and ensure the organization of their impact on society and the achievement of socially useful results; thirdly, the interaction of law-making and political pluralism allows to further identify areas for improving law-making and increasing the level of political pluralism, eliminate existing shortcomings of cooperation and take measures to strengthen it. Keywords: law-formation, law-making, legal formalization, legislative activity, political pluralism

The Popular Parties: Brazil and Argentina in a Latin American Perspective

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-268
Author(s):  
Torcuato S. Di Tella
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third World ◽  
Central Position ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
American Perspective ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Latin American Countries

THE INSTABILITY OF MOST LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES derives to a large extent from the difficulty of incorporating the working class and other popular strata into the political system. Euro ean countries also had to face a similar challenge decades ago, gut the central position they had in the international economic system helped to ease the tensions. In the Third world or Latin America the problem is compounded because to the working class must be added large sectors of urban marginals, peasants and often the impoverished middle classes. These groups tend to form broadly-based parties which become the main contenders for power against the dominant establishment. They are placed in a somewhat similar position to that occupied by Labour, Social Democratic or Eurocommunist parties in Europe or Japan. But they are based on different organizational and ideological elements, and their popular rather than workingclass nature often involves strange coalitions. Brazil and Argentina share fully these traits. In order to understand the characteristics of the popular political parties in those two countries one must examine them in a Latin American comparative perspective.

Sorting Out the Mixed Economy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
New Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Welfare Programs ◽  
The Road ◽  
Social Welfare Programs ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The New Deal

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.

Labor Movements in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico M. Rossi
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Labor Movements ◽  
Relational Approach ◽  
Informal Workers ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Labor

The history of Latin America cannot be understood without analyzing the role played by labor movements in organizing formal and informal workers across urban and rural contexts.This chapter analyzes the history of labor movements in Latin America from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries. After debating the distinction between “working class” and “popular sectors,” the chapter proposes that labor movements encompass more than trade unions. The history of labor movements is analyzed through the dynamics of globalization, incorporation waves, revolutions, authoritarian breakdowns, and democratization. Taking a relational approach, these macro-dynamics are studied in connection with the main revolutionary and reformist strategic disputes of the Latin American labor movements.

Zambia's Second Republic —the Establishment of a One-Party State

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Party State

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.

scholarly journals SOUTH KOREAN LEADERS IN THE POLITICS OF DEMOCRATIZATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Late Twentieth

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.

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