The Conditions of Protest Behavior in American Cities

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter K. Eisinger

This paper is an exploration of various political environmental conditions associated with the incidence of political protest activities directed toward urban institutions, agencies, and officials in 43 American cities.Two preliminary questions are considered first. One deals with making explicit the theoretical linkage between elements in the political environment and political behavior. The other is an attempt to define protest technically and to differentiate it from political violence. This effort is made necessary by the facts that violence and protest are not treated in the literature as distinct forms of behavior (but rather as similar acts at different points on a continuum of aggressiveness) and that studies of collective violence in American ghettos indicate no relation between environment and rioting.Two alternative hypotheses are considered: protest varies negatively with indicators of an open political system (a linear model) and protest is greatest in systems characterized by a mix of open and closed factors (a curvilinear model). Data are drawn from newspaper accounts of protest incidents in 43 cities over a six month period in 1968, producing a sample of 120 protest incidents.Both the simple incidence of protest and the intensity of protest seem to fit the curvilinear model more closely than the linear one. The incidence of protest, then, seems to signify change not only among previously quiescent or conventionally oriented groups but also in the political system itself as it becomes more open and responsive.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer

Political agreements are an integral part of the political system in Israel. For various reasons — mainly the proportional representation electoral system and the existence of a “third bloc” of religious parties that do no fit into the centre-right and centre-left political alliances — no political party has ever enjoyed an absolute majority in the Knesset. The dominant parties have therefore always had to rely on coalition agreements with smaller parties in order to obtain, and subsequently maintain, the parliamentary majority required for a government to rule under Israel's parliamentary system. A similar situation exists in many municipal councils and in other elected bodies, such as the Bar Council.


1960 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clyde J. Lewis

The late 1820's, particularly the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, marked the end of an era in the history of the English Established Church. Earlier, for more than a century, the Anglican hierarchy had served as an appendage of the political system dominated by the landed interests; and since the younger Pitt's time, the Church had functioned politically as an ally of the Tory Party. By the year 1827. however, churchmen faced a rapidly changing political environment.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Saleh Shattib

The research have focused on the ramifications of the" 25 January  revolution" on the Egyptian constitution and how the masses in which participated in the revolution  aimed a rapid democratic transition through the writing of a new constitution  in order to be inevitable document leading to their salvation from authoritarianism and false constitutions that had become outmoded.      Although the Egyptian constitutional experience,   From the wording perspective,  have many positive aspects; but the process of drafting is requiring consensus  about constitution, basically agree on the basic philosophy in which the Constitution is based on, or the purpose of drafting the Constitution itself,  at the same time,  the goal is absent from the Egyptian experience. Also, the political factions that carried the banner of change after the" 25 January  revolution" was not able to answer the following question: What is the purpose of drafting a new constitution to replacing "the 1971 Constitution"?. This situations led to the intensification of division and conflict among factions, in addition, excluded the most important  political faction.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Jesus Casquette

A growing body of literature emphasizes how the political system affects the development of social movements. In this article, I take a complementary position-one that has been relatively underemphasized-that accounts for how social movements might transform their political environment. I underscore the interaction between the movement and civil society as a key process by which movements shape political structures and, in part, make their own political opportunities. I develop this argument by focusing on the civil disobedience campaign carried out by the antimilitary movement in the Basque Country during the period 1989-1993.


1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. E. Finer

THIS ARTICLE IS A TEXTUAL EXAMINATION OF ALMOND'S CONCEPT OF the ‘political system’, as adumbrated in his Politics of the Developing Areas and developed in his latest book, Comparative Politics. It is concerned only with this concept; others, such as his notion of ‘political development’ have been left aside.There is at least one contribution which Almond has made to which I wish to pay full tribute: that is, his checklist of ‘functions’ which, it is alleged, all governed societies carry out, and by reference to which they can be compared. Almond's ‘functions’ are not logically necessary ones; they are simply a convenient checklist which he has derived from the data. This does not make them any the less useful. I would agree with Professor W. J. M. Mackenzie's estimate, ‘In fact Almond attempted the right thing in possibly the wrong way – but no one has yet improved on his analysis of the elements of the polity’.


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flora Peter

AbstractThe processes of social mobilization in which particularistic-parochial roles and collectivities are broken up have a crucial importance for societal modernization. This paper analyzes two elementary and long-term processes of social mobilization: urbanization and literacy development in 94 countries between 1850 and 1965 using quantitative aggregative data. It is shown that the relationship between the two processes of mobilization has changed radically in the course of history: while the ‘old’ nations were characterized by a gradual development of literacy of a mainly rural population, the characteristic of the ‘new’ nations is an accelerated urbanization of a largely illiterate population. This development leads to rising pressures on the political system of the ‘new’ nations without commensurately enlarging their capacities. It results in an increase of collective violence and political instability. The problems of controlling the mobilization and of institutionalizing political participation, therefore, becomes a focus of interest.


1968 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Leifer

The political system of Cambodia is often—and not inaccurately—described as one of the most stable in Asia. Such description is apt to be justified by reference to the relative absence of upheaval and disturbance which have been the fate of several new Asian states. Surface indications of stability, however, can give rise to exaggerated assumptions about the institutionalized nature of a political system, in the sense that an induced pattern of political activity has jelled to make the system a going concern. The object of this article is to examine the distinguishing features of the Cambodian political system with a view to establishing whether surface appearance reflects an inner resilience or fundamental structural weakness.


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