The Egyptian political system (A comparative study between the constitutional 2012-2014)

Author(s):  
Mohammed Saleh Shattib

The research have focused on the ramifications of the" 25 January  revolution" on the Egyptian constitution and how the masses in which participated in the revolution  aimed a rapid democratic transition through the writing of a new constitution  in order to be inevitable document leading to their salvation from authoritarianism and false constitutions that had become outmoded.      Although the Egyptian constitutional experience,   From the wording perspective,  have many positive aspects; but the process of drafting is requiring consensus  about constitution, basically agree on the basic philosophy in which the Constitution is based on, or the purpose of drafting the Constitution itself,  at the same time,  the goal is absent from the Egyptian experience. Also, the political factions that carried the banner of change after the" 25 January  revolution" was not able to answer the following question: What is the purpose of drafting a new constitution to replacing "the 1971 Constitution"?. This situations led to the intensification of division and conflict among factions, in addition, excluded the most important  political faction.

2002 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-188
Author(s):  
Mark Eric Williams

This essay explains how the peculiar properties of Mexico's political system helped shape the approach to the study of Mexican politics. It assesses some of the strengths and limitations of the scholarship this produced, examines the political changes that fueled Mexico's democratic transition, and assesses their implications both for Mexico's recent market reforms and the study of Mexican politics in general. It finds that the demise of single-party rule and fundamental changes in patterns of governance have opened new research avenues, and suggests an emerging research agenda in light of these developments. En este ensayo se explica la manera en que las propiedades peculiares del sistema políítico mexicano ayudaron a configurar el acercamiento al estudio de la políítica mexicana. Se valoran algunas de las ventajas y las desventajas en este enfoque, se examinan los cambios polííticos que influyeron en la transicióón democráática mééxicana y se analizan sus implicaciones en las reformas recientes del mercado y estudio de la políítica mexicana en general. El anáálisis concluye que, debido al cese de influencia del antiguo réégimen del partido oficial y a los cambios fundamentales en los modelos de gobierno, se han abierto nuevas ááreas de investigacióón, proponiendo un nuevo programa de investigacióón que tome en cuenta el giro de los nuevos acontecimientos.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer

Political agreements are an integral part of the political system in Israel. For various reasons — mainly the proportional representation electoral system and the existence of a “third bloc” of religious parties that do no fit into the centre-right and centre-left political alliances — no political party has ever enjoyed an absolute majority in the Knesset. The dominant parties have therefore always had to rely on coalition agreements with smaller parties in order to obtain, and subsequently maintain, the parliamentary majority required for a government to rule under Israel's parliamentary system. A similar situation exists in many municipal councils and in other elected bodies, such as the Bar Council.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phill Wilcox

This chapter argues that while the political system in Laos has shown resilience and an ability to reinvent itself as necessary, it is not entirely unassailable. Even in authoritarian systems, legitimacy remains important. It suggests that if there is to be a flash point over legitimacy, that may come with rising inequality and particularly, as the rise of Chinese influence continues. It concludes by suggesting that as long as a sense of Laoness remains, the political system may remain in place as the authorities present themselves as the guardians of Lao culture and identity. Should that become threatened, questions of political legitimacy will reopen. It includes a final paragraph questioning how the Covid-19 situation will impact Laos.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 247
Author(s):  
Seyed Mohammad Reza Ayati ◽  
Mahdi Moghaddasi

“Vilayat” literally means manager and governor as well as master. Absolute means complete power and authority. From the perspective of the Shia, this authority is in fact dedicated to God, and God has been assigned it to prophets and their successors, and in the time of occultation of Imam Mahdi (AS) to Wali faqih (the guardian jurist leading Islamic community). Just jurist has all the powers and authorities (including political) assigned to the Prophet (PBUH & HP) and the Imams (AS) for governance. In contrast, the Sunnis believe that religious texts are silent about the matter of government after the prophet (PBUH&HP), and they did not speak clearly about the system of government and the conditions of Islamic leader and the ways of selecting him. Hence, they followed a choice theory in determining the political system of Muslims after the death of the holy Prophet (PBUH&HP), and accepted caliphate system for ruling the Muslim community. Thus, according to the achievements of this research gathered in a descriptive-analytic method, the Shiite believes that the immaculate Imams (AS) appoints leaders of Muslims community, while Sunnis believe in choosing leader by people.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter K. Eisinger

This paper is an exploration of various political environmental conditions associated with the incidence of political protest activities directed toward urban institutions, agencies, and officials in 43 American cities.Two preliminary questions are considered first. One deals with making explicit the theoretical linkage between elements in the political environment and political behavior. The other is an attempt to define protest technically and to differentiate it from political violence. This effort is made necessary by the facts that violence and protest are not treated in the literature as distinct forms of behavior (but rather as similar acts at different points on a continuum of aggressiveness) and that studies of collective violence in American ghettos indicate no relation between environment and rioting.Two alternative hypotheses are considered: protest varies negatively with indicators of an open political system (a linear model) and protest is greatest in systems characterized by a mix of open and closed factors (a curvilinear model). Data are drawn from newspaper accounts of protest incidents in 43 cities over a six month period in 1968, producing a sample of 120 protest incidents.Both the simple incidence of protest and the intensity of protest seem to fit the curvilinear model more closely than the linear one. The incidence of protest, then, seems to signify change not only among previously quiescent or conventionally oriented groups but also in the political system itself as it becomes more open and responsive.


wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-181
Author(s):  
Mariam MARGARYAN ◽  
Marine MOVSISYAN

In this article, the authors have investigated the issues of complementarity of political and civic cultures in the Republic of Armenia and the importance of participation in their effective development. It has been stated that in the conditions of a democratic transition, participatory democracy can be false or marginal in nature, due to which it can be perceived as irresponsible freedom, but the reality is different. The mani­pu­lative and philosophical bases of participation were also studied. It has been substantiated the approach that in the absence of a consolidation, the new democratic space formed due to the active participation of the masses does not solve the problem of political stability, but on the contrary, deepens the crises of poli­tical development. It emphasizes that the effectiveness of the process of overcoming crises in the condi­ti­ons of democratic transition of the Republic of Armenia requires scientific-analytical management based on the principles of consolidation, the professionalism of the strategic elites; especially after the “Velvet Revoluti?n”. The relationship between democracy and demarchy were also studied.


THE BULLETIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (391) ◽  
pp. 230-234
Author(s):  
M.A. Altybassarova ◽  
S.K. Moldabayeva ◽  
D.A. Rakhmetova

Тhe spread of extremism in the modern society, together with the terrorism and fundamentalism, is one of the most problems. Modern extremism as the movement is an activity of the political parties, social movements and illegal organizations, which have clearly defined political goals and ideological bases and use all possible means of struggle, except violence. By the way, modern extremism is divided into political, national (ethnic), religious, environmental, economic, and other ideological trends. But in reality, all motives are either intertwined, complementing each other, or one or another ideology covers up certain political goals. All these forms of extremism may have tendencies of both radical-revolutionary and radical-conservative or fundamentalist character. Modern extremism is characterized by the simple and accessible ideology. If the ideology is particularly complex, then extremist forces use slogans that are accessible to the masses. Extremist associations are particularly characterized by the ability to offer accessible ways and means of solving the most complex problems of public life, to convince the masses of the possibility of their successful implementation in practice and, as the result, of the possibility of possessing sufficiently broad social base. Most countries are now trying to work together to counter extremist and terrorist organizations. For such multi-religious, multi-ethnic state with an unbalanced political system and an unfilled ideological vacuum as Kazakhstan, the study of this phenomenon is particularly relevant. We need the comprehensive study of the conditions for the emergence and evolution of modern extremism, its impact on the functioning of the civil society and state structures, and on the socio-political situation in the country.


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