The Strange Case of Relative Gratification and Potential for Political Violence: The V-Curve Hypothesis

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 514-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard N. Grofman ◽  
Edward N. Muller
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Additive Model ◽  
Absolute Magnitude ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Optimum Level ◽  
Moderate Degree ◽  
The Past ◽  
Negative Change ◽  
Degree Of Association

Perception of discrepancy between optimum level of achievement with respect to desired values and actual level of achievement is a concept that has figured importantly in explanations of collective violence and its subset, political violence (approval of and readiness to engage in behaviors which constitute progressively greater challenge to a political regime). Hypotheses about relationships between a number of static and dynamic achievement discrepancy constructs (labeled “relative gratification,” and built from a variant of the Cantril Self-Anchoring scale) are tested. The achievement discrepancy constructs generally show only a weak degree of association with potential for political violence. However, measures of shift over time in discrepancy show an unexpected and intriguing relationship with potential for political violence: individuals who perceive negative change and individuals who perceive positive change show the highest potential for political violence, while individuals who perceive no change show the lowest potential for political violence; and this V-Curve relationship persists in the presence of various control variables. Moreover, absolute magnitude of shift in discrepancy from present to future shows a moderate degree of correlation with potential for political violence, and makes an independent contribution to a linear additive model. The data base is a sample of a population in which instances of political violence have been relatively frequent in the past.

A Test of a Partial Theory of Potential for Political Violence

1972 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 928-959 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward N. Muller
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Relative Deprivation ◽  
Goal Attainment ◽  
Additive Model ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
Authority Structure ◽  
Accuracy Of Prediction

Potential for political violence is defined by a summated scale built from two cumulative scales measuring approval of and readiness to engage in behaviors which constitute progressively greater challenge to a political regime. A prevalent explanation of potential for political violence proposes that the major direct antecedent is relative deprivation. The partial theory proposed here does not assign a central role to relative deprivation; rather, diffuse support for the political authority structure, and belief that political violence has led to goal attainment in the past, are proposed as major direct antecedents. Relative deprivation is denned by position on the Cantril Self-Anchoring scale with respect to three welfare values. The measure of diffuse affect for the political authority structure is a weighted summation of items measuring the degree to which political authorities are believed to wield power honestly, benevolently, and justly. Belief that political violence has led to goal attainment is denned as a summation of items measuring the degree to which the use of political violence by dissident groups is thought to have been helpful. The data base is a sample of a population in which instances of political violence have been frequent in the past. A linear additive model of Potential for Political Violence, with Trust in Political Authorities and Efficacy of Past Violence as describing variables, shows an accuracy of prediction which is satisfactory and superior to that yielded by a multiplicative model.

CANADIAN WILTSHIRE BACON: VIII. COLOUR OF BACON AND ITS CORRELATION WITH CHEMICAL ANALYSES

1940 ◽  
Vol 18d (6) ◽  
pp. 217-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. A. Winkler ◽  
J. W. Hopkins ◽  
M. W. Thistle
Keyword(s):  
Absolute Magnitude ◽  
Moderate Degree ◽  
The Mean ◽  
Mean Differences ◽  
Photoelectric Measurements ◽  
Degree Of Association ◽  
Range Of Variation ◽  
Blue Intensity ◽  
Nitrite Content

Photoelectric measurements on two factory-cured Wiltshire sides from each of 22 Canadian packing plants, sampled (i) upon receipt at the laboratory, (ii) after storage for 10 days at 1 °C., and (iii) after smoking for 14 hr. at 40 °C., indicated statistically significant differences between individual sides in respect of both total intensity and quality of colour, which would seem to have arisen mainly from differences between plants. The average range of variation between plants was: total intensity, 25%; red intensity, 23%; green, 30%; and blue, 35% of the mean. Differences in colour quality of two types, (i) due to variations in the component intensities which were correlated but not of the same absolute magnitude, and (ii) due to uncorrected variation in the component intensities, were demonstrable.Partial correlation studies led to the deduction of a moderate degree of association between colour quality, and pH and nitrite content, under the conditions of sampling (ii). Increased acidity was accompanied by an enhanced green and a depressed blue intensity. Increased nitrite content also tended to depress blue intensity, but apparently without significantly affecting the green. No correlation between colour and the salt, nitrate or moisture content of the meat was demonstrable.

State Failure and the Political Violence Phenomenon: A Comparative Analysis of Iraq and Syria Cases

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
State Failure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Short Run ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.

scholarly journals From scenario-based seismic hazard to scenario-based landslide hazard: rewinding to the past via statistical simulations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luguang Luo ◽  
Luigi Lombardo ◽  
Cees van Westen ◽  
Xiangjun Pei ◽  
Runqiu Huang
Keyword(s):  
Ground Motion ◽  
Land Use Planning ◽  
Landslide Susceptibility ◽  
Additive Model ◽  
Slope Instability ◽  
Susceptibility Map ◽  
Jiuzhaigou Earthquake ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
The Past ◽  
Time Invariant

AbstractThe vast majority of statistically-based landslide susceptibility studies assumes the slope instability process to be time-invariant under the definition that “the past and present are keys to the future”. This assumption may generally be valid. However, the trigger, be it a rainfall or an earthquake event, clearly varies over time. And yet, the temporal component of the trigger is rarely included in landslide susceptibility studies and only confined to hazard assessment. In this work, we investigate a population of landslides triggered in response to the 2017 Jiuzhaigou earthquake ($$M_w = 6.5$$ M w = 6.5 ) including the associated ground motion in the analyses, these being carried out at the Slope Unit (SU) level. We do this by implementing a Bayesian version of a Generalized Additive Model and assuming that the slope instability across the SUs in the study area behaves according to a Bernoulli probability distribution. This procedure would generally produce a susceptibility map reflecting the spatial pattern of the specific trigger and therefore of limited use for land use planning. However, we implement this first analytical step to reliably estimate the ground motion effect, and its distribution, on unstable SUs. We then assume the effect of the ground motion to be time-invariant, enabling statistical simulations for any ground motion scenario that occurred in the area from 1933 to 2017. As a result, we obtain the full spectrum of potential coseismic susceptibility patterns over the last century and compress this information into a hazard model/map representative of all the possible ground motion patterns since 1933. This backward statistical simulations can also be further exploited in the opposite direction where, by accounting for scenario-based ground motion, one can also use it in a forward direction to estimate future unstable slopes.

Exploring Transitions in Party Politics in Grenada, 1984–2013

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy C. Grenade
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Free Enterprise ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Revolution

One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of the vestiges of the revolution and the Eric Gairy regime that preceded it. The new architecture was intended to transcend authoritarianism, intra-party conflict and political violence to turn Grenada into a showcase for democracy and free enterprise. This chapter maps the contours of party politics in post-revolutionary Grenada. It argues that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy but has not yet achieved deeper substantive democracy. The chapter teases out lessons from the Grenada case for democratic renewal in the Caribbean.

Childhood images and visual representations: Romanian post-communist cultural configuration of the past

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-260
Author(s):  
Simona Mitroiu
Keyword(s):  
Visual Memory ◽  
Visual Representations ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Immigrant Parents ◽  
Childhood Memories ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Communist Past

The literary and visual representations of the Romanian recent past have helped recollect the world of childhood and its contextual frames, contributing to the process of coming to terms with the communist past. Focusing on the treatment of childhood memories in the post-communist Romanian cultural productions, the research reveals the changes under-gone by the childhood images and representations in the visual memory discourse. The image of the pioneer children offering flowers to the communist leaders was well instilled in the Romanian collective memory by the communist documentaries picturing the Romani-an life during the “Golden Age.” What followed was the image of the abandoned children: from the Romanian orphanages, immediately after the 1989 political regime change, to their immigrant parents, especially during the transitional years. Are these images recol-lected by the New Romanian Cinema productions and are they correlated with the abun-dant literary autobiographical works? The present study focuses on this topic of child images and childhood memories in connection with the remembrance of the communist past, pursuing an in-depth analysis of these post-communist Romanian cultural produc-tions. It argues that despite the insufficient interest in exploring the topic of childhood during the communist regime and the lack of significant collaborative projects reuniting literary figures and cinema directors, the cinema representations of childhood can consid-erably widen the narratives of the past, suggesting new directions in the post-communist exploration of the alternative memories of the past.

Some left to tell the tale: Finding perpetrators and understanding violence in Rwanda

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-520
Author(s):  
Cyanne E Loyle ◽  
Christian Davenport
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Data Availability ◽  
Mass Violence ◽  
Personal Gain ◽  
The Past ◽  
Violent Action

Scholars of political violence often face problems concerning data availability. Research on the perpetrators of that violence is no exception. Over the past 40 years we have made great strides in understanding who joins in violent action and why, yet have rarely probed the representative nature of the subjects queried or contemplated the implications of this sampling for our conclusions. It is generally assumed that those left to ‘tell the tale’ about what transpired are representative of those who participated in the violence. In this article, we use the context of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda to probe questions about which perpetrators of violence we include in our research and subsequently, who we miss. We theorize an often overlooked group of perpetrators, the ‘murderers in the middle’, who take orders from above, mobilize others to kill, and zealously participate themselves. We contend that this group of perpetrators is potentially unique from those generally captured, identified, and studied in that they are likely to have actively and willingly engaged in violence for personal gain as well as for ideological reasons. Systematically missing groups of perpetrators has potential implications for research on participation in mass violence as well as our understanding of why this behavior occurs.

Afterword

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hervik
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Moral Outrage ◽  
Contemporary Society ◽  
Generative Power ◽  
Negative Change

This afterword offers reflections on some major points of this section concerning the generative power linking moral outrage to political violence. The authors have successfully taken up a topic of immense relevance and urgency in contemporary society. Their efforts are a first important step to address this from an empirical, analytical, and theoretical framework. In the afterword, I seek to add further perspectives to some of the findings, including a focus on moral outrage that situates it not strictly within personality as a preexisting universal that waits for someone to wake it up but rather in an approach to emotions as embedded within cultural understandings with an emphasis on the strategic side of the production of moral outrage in creating both positive and negative change.

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