Cincinnatus and the Apparatchik

1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-78
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Brzezinski ◽  
Samuel P. Huntington

KTO KOVO?” asked Lenin. “Who governs?” echoes a contemporary American political scientist. The question is of perennial interest. The “who's” have the capacity to influence the behavior of others. They include political leaders, who customarily exercise power through public or governmental bodies, and non-political leaders, who may exercise power through the command of other values, such as wealth, income, expertise. Political leaders and non-political leaders together constitute the elite; they lead the masses, who, needless to say, greatly outnumber the elite.

2021 ◽  
pp. 132-155
Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

This chapter explores how technocratic internationalism found new fields of application in international development and regional integration. During the 1950s and 1960s, a new generation of international organizations began to work on the socio-economic tasks that functionalists had recommended for international action. With the expansion of the United Nations system of organization, global governance took a markedly technocratic but also a welfarist turn. In this explicit orientation towards human welfare and concrete projects, they differed from the technical standard setting organizations active since the 19th century. The concept of socio-economic development was congenial to functionalists since its promise of progress is linked to the technocratic belief in technical solutions. Functionalism also became a textbook doctrine for European integration, with the European Coal and Steel Community of 1951 as a direct product of functionalist thinking. This chapter also discusses the professionalization of political science in the 1950s and 1960s, where scholars began to perceive Mitrany’s ideas as ‘reformist ideology’ rather than as a serious theory of international organization. To remedy these defects, American political scientist Ernst Haas re-formulated it as ‘neo-functionalism’. Although ostensibly an empirical-analytical approach eschewing normative commitments, neo-functionalism remained committed to the ideal of rationalized governance.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Da-chi Liao ◽  
Hui-chih Chang

This paper attempts to determine the kind of constitutional rule preferred in a young democracy when an institutional opportunity for constitutional change occurs. It adopts the standpoint of collective decision-making. This approach involves two crucial theoretical elements: the calculation of the interests of the political elite and the masses' comprehension of what democracy is. The case studied here is Taiwan's constitutional choice between the direct and indirect election of the president during the period from 1990 to 1994. The paper first examines how the political leaders might have used both the logic of power maximization and of power-loss minimization to choose their position on the issue. It then demonstrates that survey results indeed showed that respondents better understood the direct form of electing the president and therefore supported it over the indirect one. This support helped the direct form to eventually win out.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 632-644
Author(s):  
Philip Holden

Most of the research presented in this special issue questions the notion of a singular Singaporean story, and yet this narrative persists as a form of Gramscian common sense for most Singaporeans, whether young or old, and also for recent immigrants and international commentators. To understand the reasons for this persistence, I turn to American political scientist Rogers M. Smith's concept of narratives of peoplehood, and in particular his notion of ethically constitutive stories that are central to individual subject formation. The role of the colonial past in such stories of Singapore is contradictory, in that the relationship between colonialism and the nation-state is seen simultaneously in terms of rupture and continuity, and this conceals a further contradiction in terms of the relationship between individual and the collective. In exploring these contradictions, and in tracing reparative possibilities for new stories of peoplehood, I will, in conclusion, turn to recent literary narratives, and in particular recent historical speculative fiction that revisions the colonial past.


2010 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 669-699
Author(s):  
Nicholas Aroney

AbstractThis article draws attention to an important but neglected story about the dissemination of German and Swiss state-theories among English-speaking scholars in the second half of the 19th century and the influence of these ideas on those who designed and drafted the Australian Constitution. In particular, the article focuses upon the theories of federalism developed by the Swiss-born scholar, Johann Caspar Bluntschli, and the Saxon-born Georg Jellinek, and explains their influence, via the British historian, Edward A Freeman, and the American political scientist, John W Burgess, upon the framers of the Australian Constitution. The story is important because it illustrates the way in which constitutional ideas can be transmitted from one social and political context into a very different one, undergoing significant, though often subtle, modifications and adaptations in the process. The story is also important because it sheds light on the way in which the framers of the Australian Constitution came to conceive of the kind of federal system that they wished to see created. The story seems to have been overlooked, however, not only due to a general neglect of the intellectual history of the Australian Constitution, but also due to the assumption that prevailing Australian political and legal ideas were of Anglo-American provenance. While this assumption generally holds true, a closer examination of the intellectual context of Australian federalism reveals a surprisingly significant German influence on the framers of the Australian Constitution.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr Atnu Mohapatra ◽  
K G Suresh

Media and politics have a symbiotic relationship. Politicians need media to get the oxygen of publicity and the exposure they need to woo electorate and mould public opinion. With many a media house turning indifferent to their needs an ever increasing number of political parties and leaders are setting up their own small and big media shops to propagate their views, cover up their shortcomings, or to settle scores with their rivals. The Entertainment and Media (E&M) industry broadly consists of four segments i.e. Television, Print, Radio and other media platforms (such as Internets, Film, Out of Home Advertising (OOH), Music, Gaming and Internet Advertising).In today‘s technologically fast moving environment, media plays a significant role. Its inherent ability to reach the masses implies that it has a crucial role in building public opinion and creating awareness among the masses. It also plays a very important role in delineating the economic, political, social and cultural characteristics of a country. Thus, media pluralism is a cornerstone of democracy and this fact should be reflected in the plurality of an independent and autonomous media and in diversity of media content. Print, television, radio and new media such as Internet are the most popular media. The Indian media landscape is witnessing several changes that may have far reaching consequences. Major players are looking for expansion of their business interests in various segments of the print and broadcasting sectors. Many of the Indian media houses are either owned or controlled by political leaders or parties. This paper is an attempt to highlight and understand the political ownership of media in India, its implications for the readers. viewers, listeners and other media users as also the society and polity at large.


Author(s):  
Dr. Ahmad Raza ◽  
Dr. Hidayat Khan

Corruption is a dishonest or illegal behavior especially by powerful people such as government officials or police officers. [i]Corruption is a distraction to the face of society, and society has become a victim of recent misery. Every other person in our society is suffering from this disease. Political leaders, religious leaders, teachers, judges, employees, businessmen and the masses are suffering from this disease. While it is true to some extent that some political leaders have set records of corruption, it is not right to put it on the politicians alone. Corruption has reached its peak in every sector and institution here. Due to corruption, the wealth of the particular classes is increasing day by day and there is no one to hold them accountable. In such a dire situation, the oppressed and the masses are being humiliated in the oppression mill. Therefore, this curse should be abolished by Pakistani society and individuals should play their full role in the society as a whole. The key question is: What are the pros and cons of corruption in Pakistan and how is it possible for stability in the light of Islamic teachings to end corruption? Recommendations have also been compiled at the conclusion of the dissertation.


Author(s):  
Cassese Sabino

This chapter examines the ‘administrative state’ and its particular expressions in Europe. Coined in 1948 by the American political scientist Dwight Waldo, the administrative state stands for the exclusive link established between the state and administration. Administrative systems and administrative law were shaped according to the needs of the various different state models; as each nation-state developed along divergent lines, administrative systems diverged too. Therefore, public administrations and their systems of administrative law were seen as final enclaves of nationalism. Each system is said to be unique to the history and traditions of a specific society, and designed expressly for the society within which it operates. As such, the chapter makes a comparison between certain divergent models of state, before delving into other trends of statehood, and finally, it examines the impact of globalisation and the European Union on the administrative state.


2021 ◽  
pp. 37-60
Author(s):  
Jens Steffek

This chapter is focused on the emergence of technocratic internationalism. The first section shows how praise for rational public administration developed in philosophy. It discusses Henri de Saint-Simon’s ideas about the virtues of expert government; the utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill; and how German philosopher Georg Friedrich Wilhelm Hegel idealized Prussia’s efficient bureaucracy. From these philosophical foundations, the chapter proceeds to the professionalization of public administration that in the 19th century took place in all industrialized countries and some of their colonies. The trend spilled over to the international level in the form of the ‘international public unions’, expert bodies with administrative tasks which ignited the imagination of technocratically inclined visionaries. Having sketched the historical context, the second part of the chapter presents the first programmatic proposals for bureaucratic international governance. They were tabled in the 1880s, when international lawyers moved from an analysis of these public unions to a programmatic vision of international relations managed by these bodies. The discussion zooms in on the Russian law scholar Pierre Kazansky and the American political scientist Paul S. Reinsch, whose respective works offer clear examples of how colonialism influenced early thinking about international organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Kumar

Political communication sets the context for a conversation between the political leaders and masses. A productive strategy of political communication would be one that successfully mobilizes its recipients for the purpose at hand which could be for a protest or for electoral support. One such strategy of communication and mobilization typical to democratic politics in India is the ‘padayatra’, which while being traditional also has a spiritual lineage. The padayatra was effectively used by Mahatma Gandhi to rally together the masses during the freedom movement, and it continues to be a politically relevant strategy used not only for mobilization but also for partisan gains that capitalize on its imagery. Electoral padayatras provide an opportunity to the politician to interact with voters in a substantive manner, understand their weltanschauung and enable its achievement. The purpose of this article is to map the changing nature of the padayatra and its appropriation by political parties as a tool of political communication.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph G. Morgan

In the summer of 1950, American political scientist Wesley Fishel met the Japanese writer and political activist Komatsu Kiyoshi who introduced the professor to the Vietnamese nationalist leaders Cuong De and Ngo Dinh Diem. This encounter had great importance for Fishel’s career as he became one of the early U.S. specialists on Vietnam as well as an academic who actively sought to influence U.S. policy in Vietnam. The talks also presented Diem with the opportunity to widen his contacts with Americans who could help him in his effort to become the leader of an independent Vietnam. This article describes Fishel’s meetings with the Vietnamese as well as Komatsu’s attempts to promote their political fortunes. It also discusses the consequences that these discussions had for the individuals involved, especially Diem and Fishel, as well as the shared conviction of Komatsu and Fishel that foreign powers could play a constructive role in guiding Vietnam toward independence.


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