scholarly journals THE INEVITABILITY OF CORRUPTION FOR A STABLE PAKISTANI SOCIETY IN THE LIGHT OF QURAN & SUNNAH

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Ahmad Raza ◽  
Dr. Hidayat Khan
Keyword(s):  
Police Officers ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Illegal Behavior ◽  
The Face ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Day By Day

Corruption is a dishonest or illegal behavior especially by powerful people such as government officials or police officers. [i]Corruption is a distraction to the face of society, and society has become a victim of recent misery. Every other person in our society is suffering from this disease. Political leaders, religious leaders, teachers, judges, employees, businessmen and the masses are suffering from this disease. While it is true to some extent that some political leaders have set records of corruption, it is not right to put it on the politicians alone. Corruption has reached its peak in every sector and institution here. Due to corruption, the wealth of the particular classes is increasing day by day and there is no one to hold them accountable. In such a dire situation, the oppressed and the masses are being humiliated in the oppression mill. Therefore, this curse should be abolished by Pakistani society and individuals should play their full role in the society as a whole. The key question is: What are the pros and cons of corruption in Pakistan and how is it possible for stability in the light of Islamic teachings to end corruption? Recommendations have also been compiled at the conclusion of the dissertation.

scholarly journals Muslim Leadership and the Challenge of Reconciling the Religious with the Secular

2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. i-iv
Author(s):  
Louay Safi
Keyword(s):  
Religious Tradition ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Moral Foundation ◽  
Social Ideology ◽  
The Face ◽  
Creative Space

The "return to religion" is a worldwide reality shared equally by the fol­lowers of different religions. Now that secularism, as a social ideology, has failed to provide a moral foundation for modern society, religion is reassert­ing its authority in all cultures. Intellectuals and religious leaders are increasingly rethinking the place of religion in modern society. Nowhere is the challenge of reconciling the religious and the secular more intense than in Muslim societies. Unlike western societies, Muslim cultures have experienced secularism not as a structure designed to prevent the imposition of one religious tradition on another, but as modern faith promoted by many political leaders eager to offer an alternative to religion. For many years, Muslim secularists looked at religion with contempt and tried to use their political authority and commanding social positions to undermine religion and religious sentiment. Most recently, however, secu­lar leaders have had to step back from their anti-religion posture in the face of the rising tide of religion in Muslim societies. Still, secularism and the secular state are widely associated with corruption, intolerance, and author­itarianism because of the archaic and bankrupt manners by which the self­proclaimed prophets of secularism in the Muslim world have exercised their power. But while secularist excesses have led to its retreat before a newly founded religious spirit in the Muslim world, the new religiosity, in its effort to compensate for secularist extremism, is in danger of committing its own excesses. Finding a creative space between the stagnant tradition­alist outlook and the dogmatic and power-prone attitude of many Muslim ...

“The Greatest Thrill I Get is When I Hear a Criminal Say, ‘Yes, I Did it’”: Race and the Third Degree in New Orleans, 1920–1945

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
Jeffrey S. Adler
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Medical Care ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
Police Officer ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Constitutional Protection ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Face ◽  
A Cell ◽  
Short Time

On May 11, 1938, two New Orleans policemen entered the Astoria Restaurant, marched to the kitchen, and approached Loyd D. T. Washington, a 41-year-old African American cook. They informed Washington that they would be taking him to the First Precinct station for questioning, although they assured the cook that he need not change his clothes and “should be right back” to the “Negro restaurant,” where he had worked for 3 years. Immediately after arriving at the station house, police officers “surrounded” Washington, showed him a photograph of a man, and announced that he had killed a white man in Yazoo City, Mississippi, 20 years earlier. When Washington insisted that he did not know the man in the photograph, that he had never been to (or even heard of) Yazoo City, and that he had been in the army at the time of the murder, the law enforcers confined him in a cell, although they had no warrant for his arrest and did not charge him with any crime. The following day, a detective brought him to the “show-up room” in the precinct house, where he continued the interrogation and, according to Washington, “tried to make me sign papers stating that I had killed a white man” in Mississippi. As every African American New Orleanian knew, the show-up (or line-up) room was the setting where detectives tortured suspects and extracted confessions. “You know you killed him, Nigger,” the detective roared. Washington, however, refused to confess, and the detective began punching him in the face, knocking out five of his teeth. After Washington crumbled to the floor, the detective repeatedly kicked him and broke one of his ribs. The beating continued for an hour, until other policemen restrained the detective, saying “give him a chance to confess and if he doesn't you may start again.” But Washington did not confess, and the violent interrogation began anew. A short time later, another police officer interrupted the detective, telling him “do not kill this man in here, after all he is wanted in Yazoo City.” Bloodied and writhing in pain, Washington asked to contact his family, but the request was ignored. Because he had not been formally charged with a crime, New Orleans law enforcers believed that Washington had no constitutional protection again self-incrimination or coercive interrogation and no right to an arraignment or bail, and they had no obligation to contact his relatives or to provide medical care for him.

Devotion, Discontent, and the Henrician Reformation: The Evidence of the Robin Hood Stories

2002 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Field
Keyword(s):  
Social Institution ◽  
Religious Change ◽  
Henry Viii ◽  
Robin Hood ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Local Parish ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
The Face ◽  
Late Fifteenth ◽  
The Masses

The relationship between popular religious attitudes and the English Reformation has long been the subject of a fierce historical debate. The older “Whig-Protestant” view, championed most notably by A. G. Dickens, draws on evidence for clerical corruption and the spread of Lollardy to show that large numbers of English people were dissatisfied with the state of Catholicism, eager for religious change, and on the whole receptive to Protestant ideas. According to this version of events, Henry VIII and the Reformation Parliament rode a wave of popular discontent in breaking from Rome and dissolving the monasteries. If there was a split between the king and the masses, it came only later when Henry's conservative religious beliefs caused him to attempt to retain much of the substance of Catholicism in the face of popular clamor for more thoroughgoing reform. On the other hand, the “revisionist” camp, which includes such well-known names as J. J. Scarisbrick, Christopher Haigh, and Eamon Duffy, prefers to cite evidence from wills, local parish records, liturgical books, and devotional texts to show that “the Church was a lively and relevant social institution, and the Reformation was not the product of a long-term decay of medieval religion.” In this view, Henry VIII and his advisors pushed through a personally advantageous but widely disliked and resisted Reformation.An examination of the religious content of the tales men and women told about Robin Hood in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries offers a fresh perspective on this long-running dispute.

The Theory of the Cheating of the Masses in Modern Times: The Institutional Roots of Social Immorality under Capitalism and Socialism

1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. 3-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anghel N. Rugina
Keyword(s):  
Distant Future ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Man And Nature ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Law ◽  
The Masses

The unity of our spirit makes it impossible to work toward a certain end without thinking that this end can and must be achieved, even if only in the distant future and through the work of later generations… Objective examination in the ups and downs in the history of law cannot and must not extinguish our faith in justice as a supreme human ideal. Even in the face of events which represent a setback or a deviation, that ideal remains unshaken as a criterion of value; without it, deviation would be meaningless. Even if contradicted by empirical facts, this ideal does not lose its ethical and deontological truth. These contradictions between “is” and “ought to be” can be neither permanent nor general. Giorgio del Vecchio, Man and Nature

scholarly journals AUTORITA’ AND AUTOREVOLEZZA: EXPLAINING CONTESTATIONS BETWEEN POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS LEADERS IN THE AGE OF THE NEW MEDIA

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-38
Author(s):  
Walter C. Ihejirika
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Connection ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Material Wealth ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

In many African countries, since the nineties, there is a subtle contest going on between religious and political leaders. At the heart of this contest is what Rosalind Hackett described as the redefinition of the categories of power and status, which cease to be primarily tied to material wealth or political connection, but rather to spiritual authority and revelation. This is a struggle for the hegemonic control of the society in the Gramscian sense of the term. While political leaders may use the coercive arms of the state – military might as well as their control of the financial resources of the state to impose their authority, religious leaders on the other hand assume the posture of moral icons, personalities endowed with superior knowledge based on divine revelation. As these contestations are played out in the public sphere, the way the leaders are able to portray themselves to their public will determine their followership. This explains the importance of mediation in the process of politico-religious contestations. In the eyes of the public, political leaders have the physical or raw power - the Italian concept of autorita; while the religious leaders have the moral power - autorevolezza. This paper uses these concepts as metaphors to present a general explanation of how the contestation between religious and political leaders plays out in the public sphere of the new media

scholarly journals Lumpen Politics? A Day in “El Hueco”

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniella Gandolfo
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
State Building ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Tactics ◽  
Alberto Fujimori ◽  
The Face ◽  
Below Ground ◽  
The Media ◽  
Dangerous Place ◽  
State Bureaucracy

AbstractThe market of El Hueco in downtown Lima sits inside a large pit dug out for the foundation of a state building that was never built. The below-ground corridors and crammed vending stalls in this poorly regulated market are usually flooded with shoppers, yet government officials and the media frequently condemn it as a vile and dangerous place. But how and why does El Hueco offend? Through an ethnographic account of a day's events, cast against a discussion of Marxism's “lumpenproletariat” and Hernando de Soto's “informality,” I argue that implicit in El Hueco's challenge of state bureaucracy is a class critique that resists conventional class analysis and that affirms the “lumpen” as a politics in its own right. “Lumpen” here does not refer to categories of people but to a resource that can be appropriated and deployed freely. Linked to the anti-political tactics of President Alberto Fujimori in the 1990s, lumpen as a resource has changed the face of postwar Lima by defying and deforming from within the bourgeois ideals of urban development and bureaucratic form. It has also arguably changed the face of politics and played a role in the revival of fujimorismo during and since the 2016 presidential elections.

100 Years of the Police in the Face of Petty Offences

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Sadło-Nowak
Keyword(s):  
Police Officers ◽  
General Public ◽  
Fair Trial ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Drinking Alcohol ◽  
Surrounding Area ◽  
Important Principle ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
The Face

Police in the face of petty offences - that is, a few words about how the law of petty offences has developed and what role of the Police is (and has been) in fighting against them since Poland regained its independence. Petty offences are minor acts and there are many of them in the surrounding area . These are actions that are very burdensome for residents and affect their sense of security. A petty offence is the most frequently committed prohibited act that society is, and has historically been, confronted with, and the main reason for citizens to report to police officers. Petty offences, in particular those related to disturbing public order, quiet hours , littering and drinking alcohol in prohibited areas are, due to their nature and frequency, the most burdensome acts in society. These acts are often combined with each other and are committed simultaneously. Due to the prevalence of petty offences, they affect the general public. The Code of Petty Offences contains a catalog of penalties and a number of other ways of responding to petty offenses committed. The ways in which the police react and practice have changed over the years, just as the whole of the broader law of petty offences has changed. Its development began after Poland gained its independence in 1918. The Constitution of March 1921 did not directly decide on the model of adjudication in cases of petty offences, but adopted an important principle - the citizen's right to a fair trial (Articles 72 and 98).

Tracking Cahokians through Material Culture

2020 ◽  
pp. 49-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven L. Boles
Keyword(s):  
Material Culture ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Contributing Factors ◽  
Trade Network ◽  
Cultural Centers ◽  
Pros And Cons

Discussions on the rise and fall of great cities or nations typically entails a list of contributing factors leading to and from florescence. What is often lacking in broad discussions is the tracking of people to and from such cultural centers. In this article, I focus on Cahokia, the largest prehistoric city north of Mexico, and explore the various types of recognizable Cahokia artifacts found scattered in all directions from the site. While I weigh the pros and cons of using these items, I argue that flint clay figurines and pipes were likely associated with the migration of Cahokian religious leaders. This notion counters the oft-cited trade network or exchange of elite goods theories assumed to account for the disbursal of such items outside greater Cahokia.

scholarly journals The Choice of Constitutional Amendments in a Young Democracy – from Indirect to Direct Election of the President in Taiwan

2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Da-chi Liao ◽  
Hui-chih Chang
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Loss Minimization ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Direct Form ◽  
Power Maximization ◽  
Survey Results ◽  
The Masses

This paper attempts to determine the kind of constitutional rule preferred in a young democracy when an institutional opportunity for constitutional change occurs. It adopts the standpoint of collective decision-making. This approach involves two crucial theoretical elements: the calculation of the interests of the political elite and the masses' comprehension of what democracy is. The case studied here is Taiwan's constitutional choice between the direct and indirect election of the president during the period from 1990 to 1994. The paper first examines how the political leaders might have used both the logic of power maximization and of power-loss minimization to choose their position on the issue. It then demonstrates that survey results indeed showed that respondents better understood the direct form of electing the president and therefore supported it over the indirect one. This support helped the direct form to eventually win out.

scholarly journals Lessons learned from the national sanitation campaign in Njombe district, Tanzania

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 754-764 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Safari ◽  
Hussein Mohamed ◽  
Provident Dimoso ◽  
Winfrida Akyoo ◽  
Francis Odhiambo ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Success Factors ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Sustainable Development ◽  
Household Level ◽  
District Council ◽  
Slow Progress ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
The Village

Abstract Sanitation remains one of the Sustainable Development Goals, with slow progress. Tanzania has been implementing the National Sanitation Campaign through a Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) approach since 2012. Njombe District Council (DC) has been identified to be among the best performing councils in the implementation of the sanitation campaign. A qualitative study was conducted to document how the CLTS was carried out in Njombe DC, assess progress on CLTS implementation and define the success factors for CLTS implementation. Findings show that CLTS intervention has resulted in increased coverage of improved latrines at a household level from 7.5% before the intervention in 2011 to 99.8% in September 2018. In addition, households with functional hand washing facilities have increased from 5.1% before the intervention to 94% in September 2018. Involvement of political leaders and government officials from the council level to the lowest governmental unit offered important support for CLTS implementation. The best mix of sanitation education, regulation and enforcement was instrumental in raising community awareness, changing collective behavior, making people comply with the village sanitation laws, and the overall success in the sanitation campaign.

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