Village-State Relations in Vietnam: The Effect of Everyday Politics on Decollectivization

1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 396-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedict J. Tria Kerkvliet

No longer does the state in vietnam require that farm land be aggregated, consolidated, and farmed collectively by work teams under the direction of rural cooperatives. Instead, the state is open to diverse production arrangements. In particular, family farming, which for decades was officially discouraged and outlawed, is now officially celebrated. Households may work their own fields, to which they have use rights (leaseholds) for several years. This is a major policy change, comparable to the shift that occurred in northern Vietnam when the extensive land redistribution of the mid-1950s was followed almost immediately by the collectivizing of that land.

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Moul

Abstract. The usual quantitative study of inter-state war and peace tallies observations on hundreds, sometimes thousands, of dyads or pairs of states. These observations miss elementary features of inter-state relations that should be examined when testing Realist explanations of war and peace. The way in which three prominent studies (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) chose to count the Seven Weeks War dramatically reveals the theoretical difficulties when tallying dyads. Re-analyses of these studies demonstrate the sensitivity of the results to particulars of 1866 Germany and, more importantly, illustrate the merits of analyzing the dispute rather than the state dyad or the state-dyad year.Résumé. L'étude quantitative des périodes de guerre et de paix entre États comptabilise des observations relatives à des centaines, parfois des milliers de dyades ou paires d'États. Ces observations ne prennent pas en compte certaines caractéristiques élémentaires des relations entre États qui devraient pourtant être examinées lorsque l'on teste les théories réalistes expliquant guerre et paix. La manière dont trois études reconnues (Bremer, 1992; Bueno de Mesquita, 1981; 1985) ont choisi de comptabiliser la guerre des Sept Semaines révèle de manière éclatante les difficultés théoriques dans la comptabilisation des dyades d'états. De nouvelles analyses de ces études ont démontré la sensibilité des résultats aux caractéristiques de l'Allemagne de 1866, mais soulignent surtout les mérites de l'analyse des disputes par rapport à l'analyse des dyades d'États ou des dyades d'États annuelles.


1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Paul P. Bernard

That Austria's monolithic refusal to tolerate religious minorities within its borders in an age of increasingly general religious permissiveness would not for long outlive Empress Maria Theresa must have been apparent to all but the most obtuse contemporary observers. Throughout the period of his coregency (1765–1780), Joseph II had made it plain on more than one occasion that while, unlike Frederick the Great, he did not believe that all his subjects might attain their salvation in whatever way seemed best to them, he was, nevertheless, aware that many of them would persist in assuring their damnation in spite of the best efforts of Church and crown to save them. And he was unwilling to let the obduracy of a minority of his subjects cause the state to lose their wealth, their services, and their loyalty. Dominated by such radical ideas on the place of religious minorities in a state, Joseph, State Chancellor Prince Wenzel Kaunitz, and Franz Joseph Heinke, once Kaunitz's man but now independently charged with drawing up policy guidelines for a subsequent reorganization of Church-state relations, were as early as 1769 discussing not the advisability of tolerating non-Catholic religions but ways and means of implementing such toleration.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rami Zeedan

This study applies the negative peace/positive peace approach to internal nation-state relations between the majority and ethnic minority. This approach focuses on the policies implemented by the state. In order to understand the social system from its formation, an important focus should be given to the period of establishment of a new state, whereas physical borders are defined along with the borders of society, which determines who is included in the new nation and who is excluded. The conclusions are based on the case of the Israeli Druze, an ethnic minority with whom the state of Israel and its Jewish majority have achieved positive peace. This study suggests that the positive peace with the Druze was achieved following their integration in the army—as a decision of the state of Israel—that lead to their integration in the Israeli society. Conversely to the Israeli Muslims, where a negative peace is maintained, following the early year’s state policy to exclude them.


Modern China ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 564-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jifeng Liu ◽  
Chris White

In examining the relationships between a state-recognized Protestant pastor and local bureaucrats, this article argues that church leaders in contemporary China are strategic in enhancing interactions with the local state as a way to produce greater space for religious activities. In contrast to the idea that the Three-Self church structure simply functions as a state-governing apparatus, this study suggests that closer connection to the state can, at times, result in less official oversight. State approval of Three-Self churches offers legitimacy to registered congregations and their leaders, but equally important is that by endorsing such groups, the state is encouraging dialogue, even negotiations between authorities and the church at local levels.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1296-1306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria A. Petrini ◽  
Jansle V. Rocha

In Brazil, the State of Goiás is one of sugarcane expansion's frontiers to meet the growing demand for biofuels. The objective of this study was to identify the municipalities where there were replacement of annual crops (mainly grains) by sugarcane in the state of Goiás, as well as indicate correlations between the sugarcane expansion and the family farming production, in the period between 2005 and 2010. For this purpose, grains crop mask and sugarcane crop mask, obtained from satellite images, were intersected using geoprocessing techniques. It was also used IBGE data of sugarcane production and planted area, and data of family farming production linked with the National Food Acquisition Program (PAA), in relation to the number of cooperatives and family farmers. The crops masks and data tables of the National Food Acquisition Program were provided by National Food Supply Agency. There were 95 municipalities that had crops replacement, totaling 281,554 hectares of grains converted to sugarcane. We highlight the municipalities of Santa Isabel, Iaciara, Maurilândia, and Itapaci, where this change represented more than half of their agricultural areas. In relation to family farming, the sugarcane expansion in the state of Goiás has not affected their activities during the period studied.


Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Olena V. Kovtun

No artigo, propõe-se a caracterização de algumas agroindústrias rurais no estado do Maranhão, baseada nos dados do Censo Agropecuário de 2006. Como ponto de partida para a pesquisa, serviu o fato de que as agroindústrias de produtos agropecuários se destacam como principais atividades entre as ocupações pluriativas dos agricultores familiares do estado. A escolha de agroindústrias para análise é fundamentada pela sua importância no sistema de produção agroalimentar e pela maior participação da agricultura familiar nos valores agregados dos produtos processados. Na literatura pesquisada, defende-se a visão de que, no contexto de pluriatividade a diversifcação das atividades, que ocorre por meio de criação de agroindústrias familiares, de pequeno porte e artesanais, pode ser apontada como uma alternativa econômicapara que a agricultura familiar possa permanecer e desenvolver-se em paralelo com as agroindústrias de grande escala e, assim, contribuir para a construção de um novo modelo de desenvolvimento dentro do qual o rural seja pensado como um todo, e não mais apenas ligado à produção agrícola.Palavras-chave: Pluriatividade. Agroindústrias. Agricultura familiar. Censo agropecuário 2006. PLURIACTIVITY AND RURAL AGROINDUSTRIES IN MARANHÃO: AN ANALYSIS BASED ON THE 2006 AGRICULTURAL CENSUSAbstractThe article proposes the characterization of some rural agroindustries in the state of Maranhão based on data from the 2006 Agricultural Census. As a starting point for the research served the fact that agroindustries of agricultural products stand out as the main activities among the pluriactive occupations of the family farmers of the State. The choice of agroindustries for analysis is based on their importance in the agro-food production system and the greater participation of family agriculture in the aggregated values of processed products. In the researched literature, it is defended the view that, in the context of pluriactivity, the diversification of activities that occurs through the creation of small family and artisanal agroindustries, can be pointed out as an economic alternative so that family agriculture can remain and developin parallel to the large-scale production and thus contribute to the construction of a new model of development in which the rural is thought as a whole and no longer only linked to agricultural production.Keywords: Pluriactivity. Agroindustries. Family farming. 2006 Agricultural census. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Leideliane Kilian ◽  
Rozane Marcia Triches ◽  
Eliziane Nicolodi Francescato Ruiz

Objective: Analyze comparatively the sustainability of menus developed by two university restaurants (UR) in the State of Paraná using the water footprint (WF) and the opinion of diners as parameters. Methods: WF was calculated based on 46 menus in each unit and data on diners through questionnaires for 750 people analyzed with Mann Whitney and Pearson’s chi-square. Results: The highest WF averages were from omnivorous menus compared to vegetarians and UR2 had averages higher than UR1. As for the opinion of diners about UR1, there is greater satisfaction with prices, vegetarian options, and greater knowledge about organic and purchases of family farming (FF) products. Conclusions: Therefore, RU1 is closer to the assumptions of a sustainable diet than UR2, but both should review their menus concerning WF and carry out work with diners on food and sustainability.


2020 ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
Yuval Jobani ◽  
Nahshon Perez

Chapter 4 examines the state preference model of religion–state relations at contested sacred sites. Section A explores the case of the Women of the Wall as a case in which the state of Israel adopts the preference model—favoring ultra-Orthodox Judaism—in managing the contestation over prayer arrangements at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Section B explores the general religion-majoritarian approach which serves as the framework for the model of state preference at contested sites. Section C presents the specific techniques and policy tools, as well as the advantages and main weaknesses, of the third model of governing contested sacred sites examined in the current study: the model of “preference.” The last section (D) presents several arguments for the undesirability of state support for religion from the perspective of religious interests, emphasizing the applicability of this undesirability to the category of contested sacred sites.


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