The North and South Korean Political Systems: a Comparative Analysis. By Sung Chul Yang. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, and Seoul: Seoul Press, 1994. 983 pp., appendices, index. Hardcover, $64.95 or 49,500 Won.

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully ﬁt into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their eﬀorts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their signiﬁcance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most signiﬁcant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

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North Koreans’ Public Narratives and Conditional Inclusion in South Korea (In Press)

10.31235/osf.io/47jw9 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Jennifer Hough ◽

Markus Bell

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

South Korea ◽

Social Status ◽

Korean Peninsula ◽

Social Benefits ◽

Korean Society ◽

The Public ◽

South Korean ◽

The North ◽

North And South

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t’albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t’albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t’albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the “good” discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t’albungmin who prefer anonymity are “sympathizers,” and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which “suspect” citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition.

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Predicting potential habitat for Hanabusaya asiatica in the North and South Korean border region using MaxEnt

Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology ◽

10.13047/kjee.2018.32.5.469 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 32 (5) ◽

pp. 469-477 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Chan Yong Sung ◽

◽

Hyun-Tak Shin ◽

Song-Hyun Choi ◽

Hong-Seon Song

Keyword(s):

Border Region ◽

South Korean ◽

Potential Habitat ◽

The North ◽

North And South

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Simulation of crane habitat fragmentation in the North and South Korean border region after Korean reunification

Landscape and Urban Planning ◽

10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.10.008 ◽

2015 ◽

Vol 134 ◽

pp. 10-18 ◽

Cited By ~ 4

Author(s):

Chan Yong Sung

Keyword(s):

Habitat Fragmentation ◽

Border Region ◽

South Korean ◽

The North ◽

North And South

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Forge a strong, Independent Nation! : The Role of the Discourse of Autonomy in Creating Internal Repression in North and South Koreas from 1945 to 1979

Inquiry@Queen's Undergraduate Research Conference Proceedings ◽

10.24908/iqurcp.10152 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Ann Choi

Keyword(s):

Educational Policies ◽

South Korean Government ◽

Japanese Occupation ◽

Kim Il Sung ◽

South Korean ◽

The North ◽

Park Chung Hee ◽

Korean Identity ◽

North And South

This paper compares how the North and South Korean government from 1945 to 1979 used a rhetoric that emphasized individuals’ autonomy and unity with their nations to create internal repression. This rhetoric, which the paper terms as “the discourse of autonomy”, emerged during the Japanese Occupation when politicians posited Korean identity as a unique and homogenous entity. By analyzing the speeches, autobiographies, as well as economic and educational policies published by the North Korean president Kim Il Sung and South Korean president Park Chung Hee, this paper illustrates how self-strengthening movements in agricultural and educational sectors punished individuals who failed to conform to societal standards. Because of the division between two nations, the discourse of autonomy further repressed members of South and North Korean societies whose occupations bore association to their enemy nation.

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In the Name of the People: Disagreeing over Peoplehood in the North and South Korean Constitutions

Asian Journal of Law and Society ◽

10.1017/als.2016.59 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 405-445

Author(s):

Justine GUICHARD

Keyword(s):

Body Politic ◽

The Body ◽

The South ◽

South Korean ◽

The North ◽

The People ◽

North And South

AbstractAs modern constitutions speak in the name of the people, they contribute to constituting the body politic by making potentially contentious claims about its members’ identity, rights, and duties. Focusing on the North and South Korean Constitutions, this article examines the claims about peoplehood articulated in both texts since their concurrent adoption in 1948. The analysis argues that these claims are irreducible to the North and the South competing over two ideologically antagonistic conceptions of the body politic—a rivalry supposedly embodied in and magnified by their constitutions’ use of differentiated terms to designate the people: inmin and kungmin. Instead, these categories should be seen in light of their synchronic commonalities in the North and South Korean Constitutions as well as diachronic transformations throughout the successive versions of each text, revealing that constituting the people has been less a matter of conflict between both Koreas than within each.

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