scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Before And After

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.

Les aspects politiques de l'évolution de la nouvelle vie parlementaire au sein du Parlement européen depuis sa première élection au suffrage universel direct en Juin 1979

1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantin Antonakis
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The North ◽  
American Model ◽  
Institutional System ◽  
North And South

The appearance of the new parliamentary life within the european parliament elected by direct universal franchise in june 1979. The first two turns of office saw the emergence of new political currents of european size. Via the ups and downs of european integration and the economic questions which are the community's member one concern, the new political european parliamentary game, determined by national interests and the decline of the ideological factor, comes to the fore. At least that's what the political powers of the north and south of the community put forward based on their national choices. Whereas the parliament demands an important role in the institutional system, the new european political system is looking more and more like the american model.

The Politics of Producerism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine McNicol Stock
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rural People ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The North ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
North And South

Since colonial times, farmers and other rural men and women have organized to protect their livelihoods and communities from the powerful interests of centralized governments, big banks, and large corporations. In protests movements spanning from Shays Rebellion in Massachusetts to the Farmers Holiday Association in Iowa, rural people agitated for control over local politics and for reforms to the political and economic system that would protect their interests. The Populist Party of the late nineteenth century is among the most important of these groups, as farmers in the north and south came together to create a new kind of political community.

Ideological Correlates of Right Wing Political Alienation in Mexico

1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 656-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth F. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Alienation ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Political Groups

Evaluations of single-party democracy in Mexico have yielded a substantial literature from the researches of contemporary scholars. Their primary subjects of treatment have been the institutionalized agents of moderation and compromise that have made Mexico one of Latin America's more stable political systems. In prosecuting these studies, however, only scant attention has been given to political groups outside the officially sanctioned “revolutionary famity” of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional. The PRI has maintained a virtual monopoly of elective and appointive offices since 1929 and traditionally has been thought of as affiliating to itself the only politically relevant groups in Mexico.Modern Mexican political life has always had its “out groups” and splinter parties. Mostly, they have come and gone, leaving little or no impact upon the political system which they have attempted to influence. Howard Cline has contended that opposition groups in Mexico find it impossible to woo the electorate away from the PRI and thus feel forced to adopt demagoguery and other extreme postures which serve only to reduce their popular appeal.

scholarly journals Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-109
Author(s):  
E. Kosevich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Multiple Sources ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The World ◽  
Neoliberal Development ◽  
History Of ◽  
A Chain ◽  
Further Development

Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. Although the root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos that is happening in Latin America. These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke out almost simultaneously in several countries of the region. This paper attempts to analyze the main factors that led to such widespread unrest. The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the region. The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them in the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberal development model, social inequality; the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are situated in the middle; until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of social networks. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as an assessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. A combination of regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study.

scholarly journals Unnoticed Coup D’état

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Separate Family ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.

The Structure of Titled Offices among the Abutia Ewe

Africa ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Verdon
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
Northern Areas ◽  
Southern Half ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Volta Region ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
North And South ◽  
As If

Opening ParagraphThe Abutia Ewe form one of what the British colonial administrators dubbed the ‘traditional areas’, over one hundred of which are said to compose the Ewe people or Eweland. These Ewe traditional areas lie in the southern half of the Volta Region (in Ghana) and in southern Togo. Although much has been written about the Ewe, little is known about the political organisation of the inland areas, north of the coastal savanna. In fact, most authors have treated the Ewe as if they were thoroughly homogeneous and could be analysed as one ethnic group or one society, only acknowledging variations between the north and south, not considered significant enough to make them completely different groups (Spieth 1906; 1911; Westermann 1935; Ward 1949; Manoukian 1952; Nukunya 1969; Friedländer 1962; Asamoa 1971 amongst many others). And yet I contend that the northern areas are as distinct from the southern ones as they are from the Akan populations. As a result, none of the present available literature is particularly useful as a paradigmatic model of the northern areas' political organisation.

6. Globalizing south, inward north

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Michael J. Seth
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Consumer Society ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
Economic Stagnation

‘Globalizing south, inward north’ shows that from the 1980s the two Koreas grew further apart, economically, politically, and culturally. Few states moved faster from poverty to ‘developed’ status than South Korea, none developed a more totalitarian, isolated society than North Korea. South Korea’s economy expanded impressively well into the 2000s, becoming a wealthy consumer society, while North Korea went through economic stagnation and decline. Both started with authoritarian political systems; however, the South evolved into an open, democratic society while the North remained authoritarian and closed. Most Koreans continued to see themselves as part of one nation united by common ethnicity and ancestry, and regarded the political division as unnatural and unacceptable. Is reunification possible?

Imperial Authority in Crisis: An Interpretation of the Coup D'état of 1861

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke S. K. Kwong
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Second Development ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
The Subject

The significance of the coup d'état of 1861 in late-Ch'ing history has been appraised by many scholars. A fairly typical viewpoint has been expressed by the eminent Chinese historian Wu Hsiang-hsiang: ‘Had there not been the coup of 1861, there would not have been the coup of 1898.’ One need not entertain the same degree of determinism to acknowledge, with Wu, that the coup of 1861 was important in its effects on the exercise of imperial power in later decades. The coup did, in fact, not only provide the immediate circumstances which favored an unprecedented experiment with the Ch'ing imperial form, namely, a regency formed by the empresses-dowager, but it did also enable the famous (or infamous) empress-dowager, Tz'u-hsi, to secure her rise to a supremacy in court affairs which ended only with her death in 1908. In view of this second development, scholars have long argued that Tz'u-hsi was both the mastermind and chief beneficiary of the coup, which was the product of her intrigues and manipulations. In fact, it has been called her (Yehonala's) coup d'état. While this view will presently be examined, my main purpose here is to define the nature of the political crisis from which the coup of 1861, as well as the idea of the female regency, originated. This, I believe, is one aspect of the subject that has not been sufficiently investigated.

Institution of Impeachment (Juicio Político) in selected states of Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Joanna Składowska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attractive Alternative ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Control Character ◽  
Legal Character

The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal institution of juicio politico (impeachment) in the LatinAmerican presidential system, regarding the regulation adopted in Argentina, Brazil, Honduras and Paraguay. The hypothesis assumes that the impeachment in Latin America turns from the instrument of pure control character into the tool dedicated to resolve the political crisis by mean of “legislative coup d’état”. The author will search for the answers for the following questions: 1) what is the legal character of LatinAmerican impeachment? 2) what makes the impeachment more common in Latin America that in United States or European countries? 3) why does it become an attractive alternative for other methods to resolve political crises? The legal, institutional as well as the comparative method will be adopted in the article.

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