The National Archives and Left-Wing Sources from Russia: Records of the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion, the Communist Party of Canada and Left-Wing Internationals

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
George Bolotenko
Author(s):  
Madara Eversone

The article aims to highlight the role of Arvīds Grigulis’ (1906–1989) personality in the Latvian Soviet literary process in the context of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, attempting to discover the contradictions and significance of Arvīds Grigulis’ personality. Arvīds Grigulis was a long-time member of the Writers’ Union, a member of the Soviet nomenklatura, and an authority of the soviet literary process. His evaluations of pre-soviet literary heritage and writings of his contemporaries were often harsh and ruthless, and also influenced the development of the further literary process. The article is based on the documents of the Central Committee of the Latvian Communist Party, the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Communist Party local organization of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union that are available at the Latvian State Archive of the National Archives of Latvia, as well as memories of Grigulis’ contemporaries. It is concluded that the personality of the writer Arvīds Grigulis, although unfolding less in the context of the Writers’ Union, is essential for the exploration of the soviet literary process and events behind the scenes. The article mainly describes events and episodes taking place until 1965, when Arvīds Grigulis’ influence in the Writers’ Union was more remarkable. Individual and further studies should analyse changes and the impact of his decisions in the cultural process of the 70s and 80s of the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Madara Eversone

It was in the interests of the Communist Party to create a representative image of Latvian Soviet writers, which would represent the interests of the party and at the same time oversee the course of literary life in the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union. Such was the writer Žanis Grīva in the Latvian Soviet literary process. The influential positions in the Soviet nomenclature gave him power in the creative environment and created opportunities to monitor the implementation of the Communist Party’s course. The article aims to put forward the personality of Žanis Grīva in the context of the research of the Latvian soviet literary process and the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, proposing several issues to be further researched and developed in the future. The article is based on the documents of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union and the Communist Party local organization of the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union, and the personal file of Žanis Grīva in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia, and documents of the Žanis Grīva collection that are available at the Latvian State Archive of the National Archives of Latvia, as well as Žanis Grīva’s personal documents regarding his life and professional activities that are available at the Aleksejs Apinis Rare Books and Manuscripts Reading Room at the National Library of Latvia. Memories of contemporaries were also investigated. It is concluded that the role of Žanis Grīva in the Latvian soviet literary process and the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union is political and purposefully constructed by the Communist Party, and has little to do with literature and literary talents. It can be assumed that Žanis Grīva has negatively affected the creative activity of some members of the Writers’ Union, such as Gunārs Priede.


Author(s):  
Taomo Zhou

This chapter examines the memoirs, diaries, poems, and theater scripts written by Ba Ren, an undercover member of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and a writer, and those who used to work with him in the 1940s. It contends that the CCP was better able than its Nationalist rival to capture the hearts and minds of young overseas Chinese by expanding its political networks and promoting cross-ethnic alliances among the working class. In the 1940s, the CCP built its support base among the overseas Chinese through the education and publishing efforts of left-wing intellectuals like Ba Ren who traveled from Mainland China to Southeast Asia and worked as teachers and journalists in overseas Chinese communities. The subsequent rise of literacy and increasing availability of left-wing publications created a generation of revolutionary-minded ethnic Chinese youth. Through supplies, information, and refuge provided by these young people during the Japanese occupation, the CCP established underground offices in Sumatra, which were hidden behind the counters of pastry shops, Chinese medicine companies, soap factories, and wineries. It was the enthusiasm of these left-leaning youth that allowed openly active pro-CCP civic associations and political organizations to blossom during the Indonesian National Revolution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 154-178
Author(s):  
Emil Vorachek ◽  

The chapter is devoted to the history of the formation and activity of left-wing organizations in the Czechoslovak political opposition from the late 1980s to early 1990s. Those organizations were made up of diverse ideological currents from both inside and outside the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (СPCz). Attempts to develop alternative scenarios of social, political, and socio-economic changes in the country are examined. The left-wing had difficulties adaptating to the changing conditions provided by the leader of the revolution - the Civil Forum - towards the liberal transformational model. In general, during the period examined in the chapter, the forces of the left, for various reasons, failed to realize their vision for future development.


Author(s):  
Alan Filewod

The leading cultural activist in the Canadian Communist Party in the 1930s, Oscar Ryan was the formative figure in the Workers’ Theatre movement in Canada and a tireless advocate of revolutionary theatrical modernism. Born Oscar Weinstein, he took his underground name from his mother’s maiden name, Rein. He grew up in Montreal and Winnipeg and after high school joined the Young Communist League as a full-time party activist. With an idiomatic and forceful proletarian writing style in the manner of John Dos Passos and Mike Gold, he became a writer for the Communist Party’s Daily Worker and its successors, the Daily Clarion and the Canadian Tribune. As Martin Stone, he was a theater critic for the Tribune from 1955 to 1988. In the Communist Party of Canada, he was an early supporter of Tim Buck, who took over the party in 1929 when communist parties around the world assumed a more radical militant stance in answer to Stalin’s call for revolutionary class war. Under Buck, Ryan became a leading figure in the party’s propaganda wing, a cultural organizer, publicity director of the Canadian Labour Defence League, and the author of numerous pamphlets.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-292
Author(s):  
Jiao Li ◽  
Muyun Zhang

After forming the Anti-Japanese national united front, Chinese Communist Party (ccp) hoped to develop mass organizations in “open,” “democratic” and “mass-oriented” ways. The National Liberation Vanguards of China (nlvc) was a typical representative of left-wing mass organizations in kmt-controlled areas. During 1936-1939, nlvc’s life course was a microcosm of ccp’s adjustment in mass work. nlvc faced ordeals between inclusiveness and insistence, testing whether ccp could stick to principles in mass work. This paper conducts a case study centered on the nlvc, to analyze how ccp repositioned mass organizations during the Anti-Japanese War and explore how mass organizations affected the Party’s vitality.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Frazer

Official anti-communist policies, adopted by the Mackenzie King government during the Second World War, were only partially effective. These policies were implemented by the RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted Police) and the armed forces high command, and included internment, banning the Communist Party of Canada (cpc), and monitoring communists in the armed forces. These policies, however, were thwarted by the logic of the war, as well as by opposition from liberal public opinion and the communists themselves.


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