The Impact of the UN Sanctions on the People of Iraq

1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis J. Halliday
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Well Being ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Human Face ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Impact

The impact of the sanctions regime imposed on Iraq by the member states of the United Nations Security Council since 1990 has many facets. The horrifying human face of malnutrition and death has, quite rightly, been given greatest media and other exposure, but other forms of damage are also severely felt. This article intends briefly to explore some aspects of the impact in an attempt to show a somewhat wider picture of the sanctions catastrophe. While the catastrophe is a thing of the present, it has potentially lasting consequences for the future, not only for the Iraqi people, but for the peace and well-being of the Arab region and the world as a whole.

Reform, Resist, Create

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
World Trade Organization ◽  
Security Council ◽  
World Trade ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
Global System ◽  
The World ◽  
Governance Institutions ◽  
Individual Duties

While there have been numerous recent analyses of the legitimacy of suprastate governance institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) or United Nations Security Council, few accounts have considered individual duties in relation to those institutions, broadly analogous to suprastate political obligation. Identified in this chapter are three categories of duties that should be salient to a range of institutions. These include duties to support their reform, to resist specific institutional features or practices, and to reject the continued operation of some institutions and support the creation of alternate ones. These duties would correspond roughly to how well an institution would appear to fit into a global institutional scheme that actually would fulfill cosmopolitan aims for rights promotion and protections and related global moral goods. An implication is that the current global system itself is a candidate for rejection, given its inherent tendencies toward the gross underfulfillment of individual rights.

15. Humanitarian Intervention and Peace Operations

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheena Chestnut Greitens
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Peace Operations ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Humanitarian Interventions ◽  
Future Challenges ◽  
Principles Of War ◽  
The Impact

This chapter deals with humanitarian interventions and peace operations. It first describes the transition from traditional peacekeeping to more ambitious post-cold war peace operations, paying attention to some of the difficulties of principle and practice that emerged in that transition. It then considers the politics of intervention and the constraints imposed by international and domestic politics, focusing on the politics of the United Nations Security Council and the impact of Western public opinion on humanitarian interventions. It also analyses the applicability of the main principles of war to peace operations and how these principles interact with political imperatives. The chapter concludes by discussing future challenges for peacekeeping and the effects of peacekeeping, taking into account the perspectives of the individuals and communities targeted by intervention and peacekeeping efforts.

The paradox of prevention in the Women, Peace and Security agenda

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331
Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Ways Of Knowing ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
The World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Central Pillar

AbstractPrevention is a central pillar of the ‘Women, Peace and Security’ agenda, a policy architecture governing gender and conflict that is anchored in a suite of United Nations Security Council resolutions adopted under the title of ‘Women and Peace and Security’. In this article, I argue that prevention is currently constituted within the WPS agenda in multiple ways, all of which are organised in accordance with different logics: a logic of peace; a logic of militarism; and a logic of security. This presents prevention as a paradox, because in operation it collapses back into a logic of security, even as it is constructed and positioned as security's temporal and conceptual other. I provide a close reading of the WPS resolutions and show how the articulations of prevention across the agenda, and in certain resolutions, operate according to logics of security and militarism. The significance of such an argument is twofold: it lies both in the possibility of reconstruction of prevention in the WPS agenda according to different logics, and in the potential of undoing security – as the manifestation of prevention in practice – in queer, feminist, decolonial, and posthuman ways of knowing and encountering the world.

scholarly journals The Victorian Colonial Romance with the Antipodes

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Steer
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Cultural Nationalism ◽  
National Archive ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
National Politics ◽  
World Cup ◽  
The World ◽  
Unit Of Measurement

Does New Zealand matter to the rest of the world? For various reasons the question has always seemed important here, a kind of hollow echo bouncing around national politics, economics and culture, and reflecting back most strongly from concrete measures of overseas recognition: a seat on the United Nations Security Council; an Oscar or a Booker Prize; a World Cup; a global milk auction. For scholars working on New Zealand studies, a version of this question is prompted by the rise of institutional incentives such as the Marsden Fund and the PBRF, which frame “research excellence” in large part in terms of global visibility. It’s a challenge, perhaps, of speaking to two audiences at the same time: a local readership familiar with a narrow but deep national archive, and an international readership who must be persuaded of its relevance to their more “mainstream” concerns. Yet the question can also be asked another way: Does the study of New Zealand have to be framed solely in national terms? Shaped for so long by the ethos and aesthetics of mid-twentieth century cultural nationalism, humanistic inquiry in New Zealand still tends to use the nation as its unquestioned unit of measurement.

scholarly journals The Impact of Sanctions against North Korea on Humanitarian Aid

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
Nazanin Zadeh-Cummings ◽  
Lauren Harris
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Humanitarian Work

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea) has been a recipient of international humanitarian aid from international organisations (IOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since 1995. In recent years, multilateral and unilateral sanctions in response to the DPRK’s nuclear programme have created a new layer of difficulty for humanitarians looking to engage with the authoritarian state. This paper explores how sanctions are affecting humanitarian work in practice, utilising interviews with practitioners. The research first surveys documentation, particularly from IOs, to establish how humanitarians understand contemporary need inside the country. Next, this paper examines the impacts of sanctions on aid efforts, with a particular focus on multilateral United Nations Security Council (UNSC) sanctions and unilateral American measures. Unpacking humanitarian challenges and potential ways to navigate the sanctions regime provides a foundation for academics and humanitarian practitioners to better understand both the DPRK and possible avenues for principled, effective aid.

Organization of American States

1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-337
Keyword(s):  
Dominican Republic ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Organization Of American States ◽  
American States ◽  
The Future ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Future 2

On January 6, 1950 the Council again turned to the consideration of the dispute between Haiti and the Dominican Republic and resolved to 1) convoke the Organ of Consultation at a time and place to be determined in the future, 2) constitute. itself provisionally as the Organ of Consultation, and 3) appoint a committee to conduct an on-the-spot investigation of the facts of the situation and their antecedents. The Council then communicated its decisions on the matter to the United Nations Security Council.

scholarly journals Easing the disruption of COVID-19: supporting the mental health of the people of Canada—October 2020—an RSC Policy Briefing

FACETS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1071-1098
Author(s):  
Gordon J.G. Asmundson ◽  
Cindy Blackstock ◽  
Marie Claire Bourque ◽  
Glenn Brimacombe ◽  
Allison Crawford ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Mental Health Problems ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Health Problems ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
The People ◽  
The Future ◽  
Structural Inequities ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Care System

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on the mental health of the people of Canada. Most have found it challenging to cope with social distancing, isolation, anxiety about infection, financial security and the future, and balancing demands of work and home life. For some, especially those who have had to face pre-existing challenges such as structural racism, poverty, and discrimination and those with prior mental health problems, the pandemic has been a major impact. The Policy Briefing Report focuses on the current situation, how the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated significant long-standing weaknesses in the mental health system and makes specific recommendations to meet these challenges to improve the well-being of the people of Canada. The COVID-19 pandemic has had a detrimental effect on mental health of people in Canada but the impact has been variable, impacting those facing pre-existing structural inequities hardest. Those living in poverty, and in some socially stratified groups facing greater economic and social disadvantage, such as some racialized and some Indigenous groups and those with preexisting mental health problems, have suffered the most. Some occupational groups have been more exposed to the virus and to psychological stress with the pandemic. The mental health care system was already overextended and under resourced. The pandemic has exacerbated the problems. The care system responded by a massive move to virtual care. The future challenge is for Canada to strengthen our knowledge base in mental health, to learn from the pandemic, and to provide all in Canada the support they need to fully participate in and contribute to Canada’s recovery from the pandemic.

scholarly journals The International Criminal Court and Non-Party States

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Schabas
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
Rome Statute ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations

Although more than half of the States in the world are parties tothe Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, morethan eighty have yet to ratify. The article considers the relationshipof the Court with these non-party States. It examines theexercise of jurisdiction over their nationals, arguing that internationallaw immunities continue in force despite the terms ofthe Statute. Declarations of jurisdiction by non-party States arealso studied, including the declaration formulated by the PalestinianAuthority with respect to Gaza in January 2009. NonpartyStates may be asked to cooperate with the Court and, whereso ordered by the United Nations Security Council, they may berequired to do this.Quoique plus de la moitié des États du monde soient Partiesau Statut de Rome de la Cour pénale internationale, plus dequatre-vingt d’entre eux ne l’ont pas encore ratifié. Cet articleconsidère le rapport de la Cour avec ces États qui n’y sont pasParties. Il examine l’exercice de sa compétence à l’égard de leursressortissants, soutenant que les immunités du droit internationaldemeurent en vigueur malgré la teneur du Statut. L’article étudieaussi les déclarations de compétence d’États qui ne sont pas Partiesau Statut, y compris la déclaration formulée par l’Autorité palestinienneen rapport à Gaza en janvier 2009. On peut demanderaux États qui ne sont pas Parties au Statut de coopérer avec laCour, et, lorsque cela est ordonné par le Conseil de Sécurité desNations Unies, il peut être exigé qu’ils le fassent.

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