Chisalin: A Late Postclassic Maya Settlement in Highland Guatemala

1987 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 195
Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Brown ◽  
John M. Weeks
2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Christina T. Halperin ◽  
Zachary X. Hruby

Shrines were a regular component of ceremonial architecture in the public plazas of Postclassic Maya centers. Small shrines and natural landmarks such as caves and outcrops at the borders of settlements or in wilderness locations also served, and in some cases continue to serve, as important ritual loci for Maya peoples. These more peripheral locales were not only critical access points to the supernatural, but also served to delineate places. Because these border features, which represent only a given moment in a constantly shifting social and political landscape, are sometimes unmodified or are inconspicuous, they are relatively ephemeral and difficult to identify in the archaeological record. This paper documents a Late Postclassic shrine paired with a natural feature, a small hill, from the site of Tayasal in Petén, Guatemala. We argue that it served as a border shrine. Paired with the small hill, the two embodied a liminal frontier, not only between earthly and spiritual realms but also between settled and unsettled space.


2008 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prudence M. Rice

Time is an abstract concept that has been examined relatively less by Americanist archaeologists as compared to Europeanists. The lack of consideration of time is particularly curious among Mayanists, because the Classic Maya assiduously recorded events in the lives of rulers and their kingdoms according to time's passage in multiple, precisely calibrated calendars. This essay examines some of the ways in which time has been conceptualized, and its political and economic roles explored, by anthropologists, sociologists, historians, and others. I apply these findings to the evolution of calendars in Mesoamerica and their function in underwriting early leadership positions, such as that of shamans or “daykeepers.” I explore the role of time in structuring late (Postclassic) Maya geopolitical organization and the possibility that such principles also guided that of the Classic Maya. Time, calendars, and particularly the movements of the sun came to be viewed as being “controlled” by Maya sacred kings, aided by their retinue of daykeepers/calendar priests. This awesome cosmopolitical power led to the identification of the king with the sun and his legitimization through control of the means of social and cosmic reproduction.


2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 355-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marilyn A. Masson ◽  
Robert M. Rosenswig

AbstractThis analysis of production variability of Postclassic Maya pottery from consumer contexts at Caye Coco implies that household pottery making varied and that products destined for different social and functional use contexts were made with differing degrees of standardization. New chronological and typological information from the Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic Periods at Caye Coco provide data important to the study of long-term interregional affiliations leading up to the Late Postclassic. Our attribute analysis of major type and form classes of Postclassic Period vessels quantifies the relative diversity and homogeneity of products made for Caye Coco consumers. Greater standardization is found in serving dishes and other slipped vessel forms as opposed to unslipped storage and food preparation containers within the site’s assemblage, and evidence for regional scale similarities in dish attributes is also found. High levels of serving dish standardization likely reflect conditions of open social and economic boundaries and perhaps the direct exchange of some vessels. Minimally, stylistic templates were broadly shared due to the widespread use of highly visible serving dishes at regional feasts and religious celebrations.


Author(s):  
Matthew Restall ◽  
Amara Solari

“Conquests” gives a history of the Spanish invasions of late Postclassic Maya states in the sixteenth century. Whether these invasions could be called conquests at all is debatable. These incursions were protracted and incomplete. The fragmentary, plural nature of Maya city-states made conquest a challenge. Spanish conquistadors only managed to establish colonies with the aid of former Aztec warriors and other Mesoamerican allies. Historically, the Maya had disappeared into the rainforest to escape undesirable political or environmental situations and continued to use tactical migration as another form of resistance. Their susceptibility to New World diseases such as typhus, measles, smallpox, and influenza decimated the Maya population.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-31
Author(s):  
Élodie Dupey García

This article explores how the Nahua of late Postclassic Mesoamerica (1200–1521 CE) created living and material embodiments of their wind god constructed on the basis of sensory experiences that shaped their conception of this divinized meteorological phenomenon. In this process, they employed chromatic and design devices, based on a wide range of natural elements, to add several layers of meaning to the human, painted, and sculpted supports dressed in the god’s insignia. Through a comparative examination of pre-Columbian visual production—especially codices and sculptures—historical sources mainly written in Nahuatl during the viceregal period, and ethnographic data on indigenous communities in modern Mexico, my analysis targets the body paint and shell jewelry of the anthropomorphic “images” of the wind god, along with the Feathered Serpent and the monkey-inspired embodiments of the deity. This study identifies the centrality of other human senses beyond sight in the conception of the wind god and the making of its earthly manifestations. Constructing these deity “images” was tantamount to creating the wind because they were intended to be visual replicas of the wind’s natural behavior. At the same time, they referred to the identity and agency of the wind god in myths and rituals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 780-799
Author(s):  
Marc D. Marino ◽  
Lane F. Fargher ◽  
Nathan J. Meissner ◽  
Lucas R. Martindale Johnson ◽  
Richard E. Blanton ◽  
...  

In premodern economic systems where the social embedding of exchange provided actors with the ability to control or monopolize trade, including the goods that enter and leave a marketplace, “restricted markets” formed. These markets produced external revenues that could be used to achieve political goals. Conversely, commercialized systems required investment in public goods that incentivize the development of market cooperation and “open markets,” where buyers and sellers from across social sectors and diverse communities could engage in exchange as economic equals within marketplaces. In this article, we compare market development at the Late Postclassic sites of Chetumal, Belize, and Tlaxcallan, Mexico. We identified a restricted market at Chetumal, using the distribution of exotic goods, particularly militarily and ritually charged obsidian projectile points; in contrast, an open market was built at Tlaxcallan. Collective action theory provides a useful framework to understand these differences in market development. We argue that Tlaxcaltecan political architects adopted more collective strategies, in which open markets figured, to encourage cooperation among an ethnically diverse population.


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