An Analysis of the Program of the Mexican Liberal Party, 1906

1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles C. Cumberland
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Small Group ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Economic Plan

The Mexican nation has been incessantly plagued with revolutionary plans since the “grito of demoralization” by Guerrero in 1829. The word “plagued” is used advisedly, for very few of the revolutionary plans were more than expressions of personalismo, the bane of Latin-American politics. The immense majority of these so-called “programs” have had very little in the way of social and economic reforms embodied in them, either by word or implication; for the most part they have been political rather than socio-economic in character.Early in the twentieth century, however, a small group developed one of the few socio-economic programs to be found in Mexican history. On July 1, 1906, while the Diaz government was still firmly entrenched, Ricardo Flores Magón and his little group of followers, almost unnoticed by the majority of the Mexicans, published a program of reform which at the time was one of the most sweeping ever outlined in Mexico. Announced as the philosophy of the Mexican Liberal Party, in it were all the elements of a vast socio-economic plan for the Mexican nation, with only a small part of the program dealing with political change. The Liberals well realized that curing only the political sore would not heal the sick nation.

An Analysis of the Program of the Mexican Liberal Party, 1906

1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (03) ◽  
pp. 294-301
Author(s):  
Charles C. Cumberland
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Small Group ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Economic Plan

The Mexican nation has been incessantly plagued with revolutionary plans since the “grito of demoralization” by Guerrero in 1829. The word “plagued” is used advisedly, for very few of the revolutionary plans were more than expressions of personalismo, the bane of Latin-American politics. The immense majority of these so-called “programs” have had very little in the way of social and economic reforms embodied in them, either by word or implication; for the most part they have been political rather than socio-economic in character. Early in the twentieth century, however, a small group developed one of the few socio-economic programs to be found in Mexican history. On July 1, 1906, while the Diaz government was still firmly entrenched, Ricardo Flores Magón and his little group of followers, almost unnoticed by the majority of the Mexicans, published a program of reform which at the time was one of the most sweeping ever outlined in Mexico. Announced as the philosophy of the Mexican Liberal Party, in it were all the elements of a vast socio-economic plan for the Mexican nation, with only a small part of the program dealing with political change. The Liberals well realized that curing only the political sore would not heal the sick nation.

Elites, Elite Settlements, and Revolutionary Movements in Latin America, 1950–1980: Introduction

1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-574
Author(s):  
Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Revolutionary Movements

Social revolutions as well as revolutionary movements have recently held great interest for both sociopolitical theorists and scholars of Latin American politics. Before we can proceed with any useful analysis, however, we must distinguish between these two related but not identical phenomena. Adapting Theda Skocpol’s approach, we can define social revolutions as “rapid, basic transformations of a society’s state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by” mass-based revolts from below, sometimes in cross-class coalitions (Skocpol 1979: 4; Wickham-Crowley 1991:152). In the absence of such basic sociopolitical transformations, I will not speak of (social) revolution or of a revolutionary outcome, only about revolutionary movements, exertions, projects, and so forth. Studies of the failures and successes of twentieth-century Latin American revolutions have now joined the ongoing theoretical debate as to whether such outcomes occur due to society- or movement-centered processes or instead due to state- or regime-centered events (Wickham-Crowley 1992).

An attempt to relieve oppression through the difficult paths of translation between Catalan and Spanish: The case of Avel·lí Artís-Gener

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesc Galera
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
American Authors

In the uneasy context of the Francoist regime, some authors tried to alleviate the difficult cultural situation through creation and translation. This is the case of Avel·lí Artís-Gener, commonly known as Tísner, a Catalan writer who was exiled to Mexico for more than twenty years. Translation from Spanish into Catalan played a major role in Tísner’s efforts to keep Catalan culture alive, and this article presents the major translation initiatives in this language combination throughout the twentieth century in order to provide enough context to give Artís-Gener’s endeavours their real weight. In Mexico, he wrote his most famous novel, Paraules d’Opoton el Vell (‘Words of Opoton the elder’), which describes the imagined ‘discovery’ of Europe by the Aztecs and creates a bond between the fate of the Nahuatl and the Catalan people under the yoke of Spanish imperialism. In 1992 Artís-Gener decided that the novel had to be retranslated into Spanish and undertook that task himself. In addition, Tísner translated major Latin American authors from Spanish into Catalan, an experience that gave him the chance to regain control of the language imposed by the Francoist regime and use it as a form of relief from the political oppression.

scholarly journals Frigørelsesfilosofi – Interview med Enrique Dussel

2018 ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
Astrid Nonbo Andersen
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Founding Father ◽  
Enrique Dussel ◽  
Philosophy Of Liberation ◽  
Western Hegemony ◽  
Harsh Critique

Enrique Dussel is one of the most prominent Latin American thinkers and a founding father of the Philosophy of Liberation. Dussel is known for his long political engagement in Latin American Politics and for his harsh critique of Western hegemony on the global stage – both the political and the philosophical. In this interview with Dussel these themes are discussed as well as some of Dussel’s own notions, such as pluriversality and transmodernity.

The Christian Left in Latin American Politics

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dodson
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Social Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
American Catholicism ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Christian Left ◽  
Social Upheaval ◽  
The Church

After decades of neglect, interest in the political significance of Latin American Catholicism increased sharply in the late 1960s when it began to appear that the Church might have unimagined potential for promoting social change, particularly in a continent plagued by social upheaval and political instability (Drekonja, 1971: 59-65). In both word and deed, the postconciliar Church manifested a changing social orientation which entailed open involvement in political issues on behalf of the poor. In fact, by August 1968 and the convening of the Council of Latin American Bishops (CELAM) in Medellín, Colombia, the Church seemed to be changing its social and political attitudes so profoundly that reports of a revolutionary Church began to accompany discussions of the political situation in Latin America. Since Medellín, an important literature has evolved from efforts to understand this change in Latin American Catholicism.

Latin-American Political Parties and Ideologies: An Overview

1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Latin American Countries

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.

Democracies without Citizenship: Crime and Punishment in Latin America

2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Iturralde
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Crime Control ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
Crime And Punishment ◽  
Economic Exclusion ◽  
The Impact

The aim of this article is to show how, despite the political and economic reforms of the last three decades, which have embraced the ideals of free markets and democracy, social and economic exclusion, as well as authoritarianism, are still the main features of most of Latin American societies. For this reason, they may be considered democracies without citizenship. The article focuses on the impact that these features have had on the configuration of Latin American crime control fields, which in most cases are highly punitive. It also discusses how Latin American crime control fields have contributed in turn to the advancement of such reforms.

‘La voz del pueblo y para el pueblo’ Amparo Ochoa’s vocal trajectory: From the Mexican Revolution to the Latin American Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Bieletto-Bueno
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Musical Theatre ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Claim ◽  
The People ◽  
Affective Impact

Amparo Ochoa (29 September 1946‐7 February 1994) is widely acclaimed as one the most outstanding and versatile performers of the Mexican Canto Nuevo movement. The sympathy that Amparo Ochoa awoke among Mexican and Latin American audiences has been tacitly attributed to a sort of natural charm. Therefore, a supposedly ‘popular’ character within her voice has been substantiated as a result of the political message of the songs she interpreted as well as of the forums where she publicly appeared. Complementing the reiterative focus on either the political context or the discursive elements of the Canto Nuevo, this paper historicizes Ochoa’s trajectory, problematizing notions of ‘the people’ in order to dissect ‘the popular’ within her voice. The main claim is that the general reception of her voice as the voice of ‘the people’ is grounded on firm vocal traditions of turn of the twentieth century Mexican musical theatre, which lingered to the twentieth century but which were recontextualized during the Latin American Cold War. Due to its subjective impact on the listener, these vocal strategies made audiences subjectify notions of ‘el pueblo’ and thus garner sympathies for the movements that opposed dictatorial regimes during the 1970s and 1980s. Such an approach of her voice contributes to assess the role of music and song in the ideological and political projects that framed them as well as to question the affective impact of voice in the listener’s subjectivity.

The Education Bill of 1906 and the Decline of Political Nonconformity

1972 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel J. Richards
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Late Nineteenth

The early years of the twentieth century prior to the outbreak of World War I have been described as a period in which the Liberal Party was in a state of decline. One significant aspect of this decline was the deterioration of what in the late nineteenth century has been labelled as political nonconformity. Gladstone's statement that Nonconformists supplied the backbone of British Liberalism perhaps best symbolises the political significance of this group for the vitality of the Liberal Party.

Ignacio Ellacuría and the Salvadorean Revolution

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEFFREY L. GOULD
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
American Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Radical Left

AbstractThis article focuses on the political thought and practice of the martyred Jesuit intellectual during the late 1970s. It employs the concept of desencuentros, probing the relationship between linguistic misunderstandings and political division. The article highlights Ignacio Ellacuría's novel analyses of the relationship between the ecclesial and the popular organisations, led by the radical Left. It discusses his political thought in relationship to the author's research on the base communities of northern Morazán. The article also discusses the Jesuit scholar's critical support for the Junta Revolucionario de Gobierno (15 October 1979–2 January 1980). The concluding section discusses Ellacuría's relevance for contemporary Latin American politics.

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