Conclusion

Author(s):  
Cindy Hahamovitch

This concluding chapter considers the possibilities for change and improvement over current iterations of guestworker programs in the United States. If the history of guestworkers in the country demonstrates anything, this chapter argues, it is that guestworker programs are not an alternative to illegal immigration. Rather, the two systems of recruiting foreign labor have always existed in symbiosis. But can such an oppressive situation be reformed? The chapter turns to a few solutions; such as the adoption of the European guestworker programs of the 1950s and 1960s, collective bargaining and advocacy work, government intervention and worker vigilance, and finally and most importantly, immigration reform.

1998 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
James D. Rose

The steel industry has been criticized for unnecessarily provoking the lengthy 1959 strike that allowed steel imports to penetrate the United States market. The industry demanded from the union the revision of a collective bargaining clause that protected local working practices. Historians have viewed the clause as inconsequential and the industry's demand for revision unnecessary. This article explores the US Steel Corporation's history of cost reductions and modernization during the 1950s in relation to this contract clause. It argues that the corporation's 1959 bargaining stance, although tactically flawed, made strategic sense given US Steel's decision to cut costs through crew reductions and incremental technological changes at its older mills.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas

The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) was a momentous law that recast undocumented immigration as a crime and fused immigration enforcement with crime control (García Hernández 2016; Lind 2016). Among its most controversial provisions, the law expanded the crimes, broadly defined, for which immigrants could be deported and legal permanent residency status revoked. The law instituted fast-track deportations and mandatory detention for immigrants with convictions. It restricted access to relief from deportation. It constrained the review of immigration court decisions and imposed barriers for filing class action lawsuits against the former US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). It provided for the development of biometric technologies to track “criminal aliens” and authorized the former INS to deputize state and local police and sheriff's departments to enforce immigration law (Guttentag 1997a; Migration News 1997a, 1997b, 1997c; Taylor 1997). In short, it put into law many of the punitive provisions associated with the criminalization of migration today. Legal scholars have documented the critical role that IIRIRA played in fundamentally transforming immigration enforcement, laying the groundwork for an emerging field of “crimmigration” (Morris 1997; Morawetz 1998, 2000; Kanstroom 2000; Miller 2003; Welch 2003; Stumpf 2006). These studies challenged the law's deportation and mandatory detention provisions, as well as its constraints on judicial review. And they exposed the law's widespread consequences, namely the deportations that ensued and the disproportionate impact of IIRIRA's enforcement measures on immigrants with longstanding ties to the United States (ABA 2004). Less is known about what drove IIRIRA's criminal provisions or how immigration came to be viewed through a lens of criminality in the first place. Scholars have mostly looked within the immigration policy arena for answers, focusing on immigration reform and the “new nativism” that peaked in the early nineties (Perea 1997; Jacobson 2008). Some studies have focused on interest group competition, particularly immigration restrictionists’ prohibitions on welfare benefits, while others have examined constructions of immigrants as a social threat (Chavez 2001; Nevins 2002, 2010; Newton 2008; Tichenor 2009; Bosworth and Kaufman 2011; Zatz and Rodriguez 2015). Surprisingly few studies have stepped outside the immigration policy arena to examine the role of crime politics and the policies of mass incarceration. Of these, scholars suggest that IIRIRA's most punitive provisions stem from a “new penology” in the criminal justice system, characterized by discourses and practices designed to predict dangerousness and to manage risk (Feeley and Simon 1992; Miller 2003; Stumpf 2006; Welch 2012). Yet historical connections between the punitive turn in the criminal justice and immigration systems have yet to be disentangled and laid bare. Certainly, nativist fears about unauthorized migration, national security, and demographic change were important factors shaping IIRIRA's criminal provisions, but this article argues that the crime politics advanced by the Republican Party (or the “Grand Old Party,” GOP) and the Democratic Party also played an undeniable and understudied role. The first part of the analysis examines policies of mass incarceration and the crime politics of the GOP under the Reagan administration. The second half focuses on the crime politics of the Democratic Party that recast undocumented migration as a crime and culminated in passage of IIRIRA under the Clinton administration. IIRIRA's criminal provisions continue to shape debates on the relationship between immigration and crime, the crimes that should provide grounds for expulsion from the United States, and the use of detention in deportation proceedings for those with criminal convictions. This essay considers the ways in which the War on Crime — specifically the failed mass incarceration policies — reshaped the immigration debate. It sheds light on the understudied role that crime politics of the GOP and the Democratic Party played in shaping IIRIRA — specifically its criminal provisions, which linked unauthorized migration with criminality, and fundamentally restructured immigration enforcement and infused it with the resources necessary to track, detain, and deport broad categories of immigrants, not just those with convictions.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Mabry

The record industry in the United States was controlled until the 1950s by a half dozen major companies, which produced music directed primarily toward the white middle class. The following article uses the history of Ace Records, a small, regional, independent company, to examine the nature of the record industry in the 1950s and 1960s. The article explains the shifts in demography and technology that made possible the growth of the independents, as well as the obstacles and events that made their demise more likely. It also traces the changes that such companies, by recording and promoting rhythm and blues and early rock ‘n’ roll, introduced to the cultural mainstream.


2016 ◽  
pp. 609 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Netolitzky

This article discusses the history of the poorly understood Organized Pseudolegal Commercial Arguments (OPCA) phenomena. Drawing from various reported and unreported sources, the author begins his review in the 1950s with two distinct pseudolegal traditions that evolved separately in both the United States and Canada. Focusing on the prominent members of each era of the OPCA movement, the author explains in depth the concepts behind the movement and what it means for the legal system in Canada today. The article culminates with an analysis of the current OPCA groups and how Canadian courts should respond to future OPCA litigants, while also giving reasons as to why it is important for Canadians to take notice of this movement due to potential security risks.


Author(s):  
Alexandre Frenette

This article looks towards the future of the intern economy by focusing on its past. What led to recent debates about the intern economy? How did it become legally possible for interns to work for free? Using the United States as my case study, I draw parallels between the current intern economy and its closest historical antecedent, the apprenticeship system. By providing a brief overview of the history of work-based learning and the unpaid internship’s legal underpinnings, this article ultimately frames current lawsuits and debates as a correction to today’s insufficiently scrutinized youth labour regime not unlike the apprenticeship systems of the past. In the attempt to facilitate youth transitions from school to work, yet maintain minimum wage standards, government intervention and—more imminently likely—legal decisions will, I anticipate, eventually transform the intern economy much like the Fitzgerald Act of 1937 drastically formalized apprenticeships in the United States.


Author(s):  
Matthew Hild ◽  
Keri Leigh Merritt

In many ways, the problems that have beset southern labor for the past century and a half—unfree labor, low wages, lack of collective bargaining rights, and virulent and sometimes violent repression of those who have tried to organize unions—have become the problems of workers across the United States, as the regional convergence of labor markets has pulled wages and conditions for workers across the nation closer to those of southern workers rather than the reverse. By addressing the troubled state of labor and the deep inequalities inherent today, we will use this volume to demonstrate how the South’s long history of worker exploitation and labor practices have become standard fare throughout America.


Author(s):  
Hannah Grenham

AbstractThis article explores the concept of monstrosity in relation to the development of digital computers during the 1950s in the United States. Discourse analysis of public representations of early digital computers reveals a consistent appropriation of monstrosity as a metaphor to capture cultural fears of human-mechanical hybridity and technological autonomy. Deconstructing the development and application of this metaphor provides valuable insight into cultural attitudes about computers during this period. Through this analysis, the development of the computer appears as simultaneously following its own unique trajectory while also coinciding with broader trends in the cultural histories of new technologies. In particular, the example of the computer epitomises a dichotomy of fear and fascination, which is frequently seen in response to new technologies. Specific examples of early computers that are considered include ENIAC, WHIRLWIND, and UNIVAC. The public representation of and responses to each of these machines demonstrates a fundamental division between admiration at their technical application and concern over their apparently unlimited potential. This dichotomy is identified particularly through examination of contemporaneous popular cultural representations. Images of monstrosity are also shown to be consistent in these public representations, with rhetoric focusing in particular on anthropomorphic machines and human-mechanical hybridity. As a result, the fears of scientific creation encapsulated by Shelley’s depiction of Frankenstein’s monster can be seen to play out over a century later through the ‘mechanical monsters’ of the 1950s United States.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-416
Author(s):  
Adolf Sturmthol

The Author first describes the « contradictory values » which surround collective bargaining and industrial peace, going through a brief analysis of various industrial relations theories: those of Market, Government and Union Participation in Management. He then goes on to distinguish between various manifestations of industrial conflicts—one of which being the strike, which is not necessarily a symptom of « unhealthy » industrial relations. The Author states that government intervention in conflicts of interests must be the exception and must have their justification in each case. He founds his thesis on the on-the-spot study of numerous data collected from the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and, Sweden.


Muzikologija ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 197-217
Author(s):  
Elsie Dunin

A fifty-year (1962-2012) period has been shown as a history of ethnochoreology supported by living memories of members of the International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM) Study Group on Ethnochoreology. Recently uncovered and juxtapositioned correspondence of three predecessors within earlier years of the International Folk Music Council (IFMC) broadens the history. This article reveals the emergence of ethnochoreology during the 1950s with publications of the two Jankovic sisters in Serbia with that of Gertrude Kurath in the United States, alongside correspondence with Maud Karpeles, the unheralded founder of the IFMC.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Damiano Palano

This article proposes a “genealogical” rereading of the concept of “populism”. Following the idea of “genealogical” analysis that was suggested by Michel Foucault, the aim is to show the “political” logic of the reinvention of the concept of “populism”, which was carried out between the 1950s and 1960s by the social sciences in the United States. First, this contribution reconstructs the history of the concept, identifying five different phases: (1) Russian populism of the late nineteenth century; (2) the Popular Party in the United States; (3) the Perón and Vargas regimes in Argentina and Brazil, respectively; (4) the reformulation carried out by the social sciences in the 1950s and 1960s; and (5) the subsequent extension of the concept to Western Europe. It is argued that the decisive turning point took place in the 1950s when the social sciences “grouped” the traits of heterogeneous movements into a single theoretical category.


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