Inventing “Populism”: Notes for the Genealogy of a Paranoid Concept

This article proposes a “genealogical” rereading of the concept of “populism”. Following the idea of “genealogical” analysis that was suggested by Michel Foucault, the aim is to show the “political” logic of the reinvention of the concept of “populism”, which was carried out between the 1950s and 1960s by the social sciences in the United States. First, this contribution reconstructs the history of the concept, identifying five different phases: (1) Russian populism of the late nineteenth century; (2) the Popular Party in the United States; (3) the Perón and Vargas regimes in Argentina and Brazil, respectively; (4) the reformulation carried out by the social sciences in the 1950s and 1960s; and (5) the subsequent extension of the concept to Western Europe. It is argued that the decisive turning point took place in the 1950s when the social sciences “grouped” the traits of heterogeneous movements into a single theoretical category.

Political history of Spain (2016–2020): overcoming the crisis

In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.

Science communicators intimidated: researchers' freedom of expression and the rise of authoritarian populism

In this article, we explore scientists' freedom of expression in the context of authoritarian populism. Our particular case for this analysis is Finland, where the right-wing populist Finns Party entered the government for the first time in 2015. More recently, after leaving the government in 2017, the party has been the most popular party in opinion polls in 2021. We illustrate the current threats to Finnish researchers' freedom of expression using their responses on three surveys, made in 2015, 2017 and 2019. We focus on politically motivated disparagement of scientists and experts, and the scientists' experiences with online hate and aggressive feedback. Further, we relate these findings to the recent studies on authoritarian populism and science-related populism. We argue that this development may affect researchers' readiness to communicate their research and expertise in public.

THE REPUBLICAN PERIOD FROM THE SPANISH COMMUNIST EXILE POINT OF VIEW

This article analyzes how the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) interpreted the Republican period from a double point of view. The PCE fought against the Republic because considered a bourgeois republic that had to be destroyed by a workers' revolution that culminated in a proletariat dictatorship. The sectarianism and scarce social support began to be overcome from 1934 and, especially, from 1935 with the Popular Front tactics from the Communist International. In addition to this, the PCE was included in the electoral coalition of the Popular Front in February 1936: the PCE was presented as a popular party more than a worker party. The Civil War facilitated its social and political penetration as a popular front party. The exile times created a myth in the Republican period, focused on the years of the war. The PCE interpreted the Republican period from the interests of the foreign policy of the URSS. For this reason, it was interpreted as a national and international struggle against fascism aggression, except in the period between the German-Soviet Pact and the Nazi attack on the USSR.

Feasibility of Democratisation in Sub-Sahara Africa, A study of South Africa after Apartheid system

<p>This article explores the intellectual ideas of Ake on feasibility of democratisation in Africa. Democratisation is feasible as government focuses on the real people irrespective of racial affinity. In the past, the apartheid government in South Africa was adjudged as obstacle to democracy because majority black were marginalised in the representative democracy. The African National Congress (ANC) developed a pressure against undemocratic laws of apartheid rule. This process translated to Trust Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a driving-mechanism towards peaceful negotiation in the country. While this is true, this article argues that transition to democratisation in 1994 by founding elections marked the beginning of a representative government. This article contests the current practice of democratisation by political disconnection of the popular party after the death of President Nelson Mandela. Finally, it is argued that feasibility of democracy is economic empowerment of the people but was trivialised in the country. The article further states the characters which marred democratisation process after the post-third wave. The article submits that there was adequate oversight functions which checked the excess power of executive arm and the others. This de facto is justified by the action of opposition parties such as EFF, DA, and IFP in the Freedom House. As a result, triangulation politics is recommended as mechanism which can promote national unity in the country.</p><p> </p>

Portugal is no longer immune from the far right

Significance Andre Ventura, leader of the far-right Chega (Enough) party, finished third in Portugal’s presidential election in January with 12% of the vote. Most polls now suggest that it is the third most popular party in Portugal. Chega’s core identity centres around its anti-establishment views, as well as hostility towards minority groups, in particular the Roma community. Impacts Local elections in October will be a stronger barometer of Chega’s appeal in Portugal than the presidential election. If Chega continues to expand its support, Portugal’s other right-wing parties could adopt some of its views and rhetoric. Chega founder Ventura’s association with Benfica football club could damage his appeal in the north, where arch-rival Porto dominates. Like other far-right parties, Chega could transition from advocating neoliberalism to more popular economic positions over time.

Catalan elections will be vital for Spain’s stability

Significance The outcome will be significant for the direction of the pro-independence movement as well as the stability of Sanchez’s minority government in Madrid, which ERC has supported. Impacts A victory for the radical pro-independence movement would likely boost support for Spain’s right-wing parties. The rise of Vox in Catalonia could weaken the position of Spanish opposition leader Pablo Casado if Vox outpolls the Popular Party. Renewed tension in Catalonia would cause further damage to the region’s property and tourism markets.

Neural Predictors of Changes in Party Closeness after Exposure to Corruption Messages: An fMRI Study

Daily worldwide newspapers are filled with campaigning unveiling political corruption. Despite this information be worrying to many citizens, political researchers have not identified any consistent trend of decline of support among party sympathizers. This study utilizes neuroimaging for the first time to examine the neuropsychological origin of party closeness variation among backers of a liberal (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party, PSOE) and a conservative party (Popular Party, PP) in Spain after a month receiving corruption messages among their preferred party. Brain data provide some explanation as to the origin of party closeness reduction among liberal sympathizers: areas involved with negative feelings, disappointment and self-relevance served to predict party closeness reduction 30 days in advance. Implications for liberals and conservatives’ campaigns are discussed.

IZBORI ZA USTAVOTVORNU SKUPŠTINU U MODRUŠKO-RIJEČKOJ ŽUPANIJI 1920. GODINE

The elections for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1920 may show the political orientation of the voters and the acceptance of the party programs that the parties advocated during the pre-election period and in the work of the assembly. The elections were held in a part of the Modruš-Rijeka district that was not under Italian occupation, which significantly affected the results. Within the constituency, three areas are distinguished. Kordun with a predominantly Serb population votes for unitarian-centralist parties (“Pribićevićs“ and Radicals), and Croats for Croatian and federalist parties (Croatian Republican Peasant Party - CRPP and Party of Rights). It is similar in Gorki Kotar with the Croatian majority. In Primorje, there is a dispersion of votes between the Unitarians and the CRPP, with a smaller share going to the Radicals, the Croatian Popular Party (“clericals“) and the Communists. In the constituency, the Democrats won with 31.65% of the vote, the CRPP won 24.90%, communists 15.81%, and the rightists 12.53%. Three members of the Democrats, three members of the CRPP, one communist and one member of Party of Rights were elected. The Democrats brought together Yugoslav politicians, but not an integral one denied by the “tribes“, but pre-war coastal right-wingers who, in fear of Italian irredentism, wanted a strong state. The CRPP has not been successful in the Littoral, which, under pressure from the regime, can be attributed to a state program that does not suit coastal Croats. Those in the party's struggle against centralism and unitarism in the CRPP see the specter of separatism, which goes against the state as a shield against irredentism.