Reagan ’s Democratic Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Current Strength ◽  
Apparent Contradiction ◽  
Free Markets ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
Constructive Engagement

This chapter examines Ronald Reagan's commitment to the tenets of liberal democratic internationalism, and in particular his promotion of a global “democratic revolution” characterized by an apparent contradiction between activism and moderation in American foreign policy. It begins with a discussion of the Reagan administration's strategy that called for a a minimal effort on its part to realize its vision of a world order dominated by democratic governments, with emphasis on three key operational programs: “constructive engagement”; the push for antistatist, free markets abroad; and the Reagan Doctrine. The chapter then considers the role played by the Reagan administration's policies to the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and the succeeding prestige of democratic governance worldwide. It argues that the American role in the spread of democracy worldwide in the twentieth century was a necessary, but not sufficient, cause for the current strength of democratic government.

After the Cold War: Wilsonianism Resurgent?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Smith
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
National Security ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Selective Approach ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter examines the United States's Wilsonianism in the post-Cold War era, first under George H. W. Bush and then under Bill Clinton. It considers how Bush, who became president as the Soviet Union was disintegrating and its leaders were looking for a new framework of understanding with the West, used Wilsonianism to address the question of establishing a world order favorable to American national security. It also discusses various Bush initiatives that were designed to establish a new world order after the cold war, Clinton's selective approach to liberal democratic internationalism, the effects of liberal economic practices on American national security, and the link between nationalism and liberal democracy. Finally, it assesses some of the challenges involved in the United States' efforts to bring about stable constitutional governance in many parts of the world.

The Second World War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Balázs Trencsényi ◽  
Michal Kopeček ◽  
Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič ◽  
Maria Falina ◽  
Mónika Baár ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
Resistance Movements ◽  
Hard Time ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Second World

The Second World War catalyzed a profound reconfiguration of the political discourse in East Central Europe. A considerable part of the region experienced consecutive occupation regimes, which triggered strategies of playing out the occupiers against each other. A central tenet of any legitimization of collaboration was the idea that the liberal democratic world order had disintegrated and a new totalitarian Zeitgeist had emerged in its stead. In turn, the resistance movements were organized either by communists or by members of the prewar elites. The former had a hard time coping with the Nazi–Soviet friendship in 1939–41, and later had to show their relative independence from the Soviet Union in order to gain legitimacy in their societies. The resistance led by the members of the old elites, in turn, had to prove that they were able to modify their old ideas for a new situation. The chapter also reviews the first reactions to the genocidal policies during the war.

The New World Order and the Islamic World

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-472
Author(s):  
Hassan Elhag Ali
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
New World ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
New Era ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Persian Gulf

During a triumphant speech before the Congress on September 11, 1990,President Bush announced that the pursuit of a “new world order” wouldbe an objective of American foreign policy. The speech’s tone and emphasismarked a new phase in international politics, for only a few months earlierthe United States and the Soviet Union, former Cold War foes, had demonstratedan unprecedented level of cooperation to eject Iraq- a former Sovietclient-from Kuwait. In that speech, Bush stated thatThe crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rareopportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Outof these troubled times, our fifth objective - a new world ordercanemerge: a new era-freer from the threat of terror, strongerin the pursuit of justice, and more secure in the quest for peace.An era in which the nations of the world, East and West, Northand South, can prosper and live in harmony (Freedman 1991, 195).The idea of a new world order, as it appears, entails and conveys thecollapse of the old system and the emergence of another, different one. Thispaper is concerned with identifying and analyzing the premises of this newworld order. How different are they from the tenets of the “old” order? Ormore precisely, to use the Economist’s words: “What is new? Which world?And whose order?” (Economist, February 23, 1991, 25-26). What are theagendas of this order and to what extent do they reflect the interests of theThird World? How will this new order affect the Islamic world, the ThirdWorld, or ”the residents of the South?” ...

Is Russia Fascist?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlene Laruelle
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Historical Revisionism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Moral High Ground ◽  
Second World

In Is Russia Fascist? This book argues that the charge of “fascism” has become a strategic narrative of the current world order. Vladimir Putin's regime has increasingly been accused of embracing fascism, supposedly evidenced by Russia's annexation of Crimea, its historical revisionism, attacks on liberal democratic values, and its support for far-right movements in Europe. But at the same time Russia has branded itself as the world's preeminent antifascist power because of its sacrifices during the Second World War while it has also emphasized how opponents to the Soviet Union in Central and Eastern Europe collaborated with Nazi Germany. This book closely analyzes accusations of fascism toward Russia, soberly assessing both their origins and their accuracy. By labeling ideological opponents as fascist, regardless of their actual values or actions, geopolitical rivals are able to frame their own vision of the world and claim the moral high ground. Through a detailed examination of the Russian domestic scene and the Kremlin's foreign policy rationales, the book disentangles the foundation for, meaning, and validity of accusations of fascism in and around Russia. It shows that the efforts to label opponents as fascist is ultimately an attempt to determine the role of Russia in Europe's future.

The Role of the Mongolian People’s Republic in the Korean War

2018 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Denzenlkham Ulambayar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Korean War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
History Of

Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Accordingly between the MPR and the DPRK fraternal friendship and a framework of cooperation based on the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism had been developed.18 In light of and as part of this framework, The Korean War has left its deep traces in the history of the MPR’s external diplomatic environment and state sovereignty

To the discussion about the modern world order

2020 ◽  
pp. 35-41
Author(s):  
A. Mustafabeyli
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Intergovernmental Relations ◽  
World System ◽  
Main Tool ◽  
World Order ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Second World

In many political researches there if a conclusion that the world system which was founded after the Second world war is destroyed of chaos. But the world system couldn`t work while the two opposite systems — socialist and capitalist were in hard confrontation. After collapse of the Soviet Union and the European socialist community the nature of intergovernmental relations and behavior of the international community did not change. The power always was and still is the main tool of international communication.

Looking for Sociology after 11 September

2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Fuller
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
War On Terrorism ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
War Rhetoric

This piece, completed one month after the events of 11 September, examines the sociological presuppositions of the major intellectual and journalistic frameworks used to understand the unfolding ‘war on terrorism’. The major frameworks include sociobiology, theodicy, political realism and ‘the clash of civilizations’. Mainstream sociological theorizing has been largely absent from the debate, and some of its more fashionable claims (e.g. about our ‘informatized world-order’) may even be cast into doubt. In general the discussion has resembled the old ‘Cold War’ rhetoric that was supposedly laid to rest with the fall of the Soviet Union, with ‘terrorism’ and ‘Islam’ replacing the threats previously posed by ‘totalitarianism’ and ‘Communism’. The sociology we teach our students may influence whether this tendency continues.

Attaining Primacy

2018 ◽  
pp. 183-208
Author(s):  
William O. Walker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
Smithsonian Institution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Grand Strategy ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Soviet Union

This chapter explores Richard Nixon’s and Henry Kissinger’s disdain for hegemony and search for primacy as they sought to refurbish America’s tarnished reputation. Through their pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union and China, their resort to the Nixon Doctrine (to exit as gracefully as possible from Indochina), and the meeting at the Smithsonian Institution in December 1971 to restore America’s global economic stature, they attempted to achieve U.S. primacy in world affairs. Their efforts to implement the novel grand strategy of strategic globalism fell short, as seen in the difficulty of extricating the United States from Vietnam, Nixon’s Watergate imbroglio, and the presence of competing visions of world order among allies, most notably in West Germany’s pursuit of Ostpolitik.

Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia since the End of Communism

2013 ◽  
pp. 424-462
Author(s):  
Antony Polonsky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Period ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
History Of ◽  
Independent States

This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document