Clientelism as the Purchase of Social Influence

2020 ◽  
pp. 187-206
Author(s):  
Andy Baker ◽  
Barry Ames ◽  
Lúcio Rennó

This chapter assesses elite behavior, demonstrating that clientelistic party machines try to pay off hubs — that is, voters with large political discussion networks who frequently engage in persuasion. In seeking to buy votes, the best strategy a party can pursue is to target citizens who are well-connected opinion leaders in informal networks. These voters represent the machine's highest potential yield because they can magnify the effect of the payoff by diffusing positive information about the machine through their large social networks. The chapter uses the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and the Mexico 2006 Panel Study to show that party machines do target well-connected voters throughout Latin America. It also shows that a finding central to previous theories — namely, that loyal partisans are the most likely targets of clientelism — is driven by omitted-variable and endogeneity bias. In other words, scholarly expectations of party activity change when one recognizes that parties operate in a world of horizontally networked voters.

2020 ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
Andy Baker ◽  
Barry Ames ◽  
Lúcio Rennó

This chapter provides an overview of the nature of voting behavior and election outcomes in Latin America. Armed only with vertical understandings of political intermediation, research on Latin American voters “conceives the citizen as an independently self-contained decision-maker,” ignoring voters' embeddedness in peer networks. For this reason, even when referring to groups and so-called social factors, research on Latin American voting behavior is dominated by economistic and psychological approaches that see voters as social isolates. The chapter explains that the book illuminates the influence of horizontal social networks and political discussion on a central political act, voting behavior, in Latin America. Beneath all the elite-level strategizing, messaging, and maneuvering that plays out through vertical intermediaries lies a world of social communication and peer effects that scholars of Latin American politics have roundly ignored.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wileidys Artigas ◽  
Ilya Casanova

Para ofrecer una visión acerca de la relevancia que tiene en Latinoamérica la construcción de una identidad digital a través de las redes sociales académicas se planteó como objetivo: examinar la presencia de investigadores latinoamericanos en ResearchGate, Academia y Autores Redalyc. La investigación fue empírica-inductivista y se construyó un cuestionario a través de Google Forms para verificar la participación de investigadores latinoamericanos en las Redes Sociales Académicas, se enviaron entre marzo y junio de 2019 649 invitaciones vía correo electrónico y a través de las mismas redes; obteniendo 139 respuestas al respecto. Se concluyó que la presencia de los investigadores en las distintas redes no supera el 55%, contrastando con otras investigaciones que resaltan la poca importancia y el subuso que se les ha dado a las herramientas que se ofrecen en dichas plataformas en la búsqueda del avance del conocimiento científico. In order to offer a vision about the relevance of the construction of a digital identity through academic social networks in Latin America, the objective was: to examine the presence of Latin American researchers at ResearchGate, Academia and Autores Redalyc. The research was empirical-inductive and a questionnaire was constructed through Google Forms to verify the participation of Latin American researchers in the Academic Social Networks, 649 invitations were sent between March and June 2019 via email and through the same networks; getting 139 answers about it. It was concluded that the presence of researchers in the different networks does not exceed 55%, contrasting with other investigations that highlight the little importance and the underuse that have been given to the tools offered in these platforms in the search for the advancement of the scientific knowledge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 931
Author(s):  
Dr. Jayguer Vásquez Torres ◽  
Dr. Luis Joyanes Aguilar

Our research shows a review of different studies that show us the evolution of social networks in Latin America, with a special focus on Central America and Panama, both at the general user level and at the corporate level. In the development of this research, we identify new perspectives and trends in the use of the Internet and social networks in the Latin American region. Central America and the Caribbean is a region that evolves exponentially in the use of Social Networks.Keywords: Social Media, Latin America, Central America, Panama.


Author(s):  
Barry Ames ◽  
Andy Baker ◽  
Amy Erica Smith

Research on social networks and voting behavior has been largely limited to long-established democracies. In young democracies with unstable party systems and low levels of mass partisan identification, such networks should be even more important. This chapter examines egocentric political discussion networks in Brazil, where political discussion is plentiful and exposure to disagreement is somewhat more frequent than in the United States. Over the course of campaigns, such conversation affects voting choices and helps citizens learn about candidates and their issue positions; networks are especially important for learning among low-status individuals. The chapter highlights the availability of two important panel data sets incorporating design elements that can improve inference regarding network effects: the 2002–2006 Two-City Brazilian Panel Study and the 2014 Brazilian Electoral Panel Survey.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustín Escobar Latapi

Although the migration – development nexus is widely recognized as a complex one, it is generally thought that there is a relationship between poverty and emigration, and that remittances lessen inequality. On the basis of Latin American and Mexican data, this chapter intends to show that for Mexico, the exchange of migrants for remittances is among the lowest in Latin America, that extreme poor Mexicans don't migrate although the moderately poor do, that remittances have a small, non-significant impact on the most widely used inequality index of all households and a very large one on the inequality index of remittance-receiving households, and finally that, to Mexican households, the opportunity cost of international migration is higher than remittance income. In summary, there is a relationship between poverty and migration (and vice versa), but this relationship is far from linear, and in some respects may be a perverse one for Mexico and for Mexican households.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.


1969 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Andrés Dapuez

Latin American cash transfer programs have been implemented aiming at particular anticipatory scenarios. Given that the fulfillment of cash transfer objectives can be calculated neither empirically nor rationally a priori, I analyse these programs in this article using the concept of an “imaginary future.” I posit that cash transfer implementers in Latin America have entertained three main fictional expectations: social pacification in the short term, market inclusion in the long term, and the construction of a more distributive society in the very long term. I classify and date these developing expectations into three waves of conditional cash transfers implementation.


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