scholarly journals Rencana Pemisahan Catalonia dari Spanyol Ditinjau dari Prinsip Self-Determination

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Mochamad Ardhi Ma’arif ◽  
Wisnu Aryo Dewanto ◽  
Muhammad Insan Tarigan

Abstract—This Study discussed the problem whether the secession of Catalonia from Spain is in accordance with the self-determination principle in the International Law. This study used a legal, concept and case approach and concluded as follows: Catalonia was able to separate them selves from the parent nation according to the self-determination principle by making a referendum. This act of making a referendum was a way for the Catalonia society to state their opinion. This condition was in accordance with the self-determination principle in the international law because the right for secession may occur in a certain condition other than the context of decolonization. When a country is retricted by the reigning government in savoring internal self-determination (in obtaining political, economic, social and cultural status), then the country may perform a secession from the parent nation. The requierements of self-determination in the Catalonia and Spain case were political, economic, social and cultural aspects. Afterwards, Catalonia needed full fill the requirements stated in Article 1 of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, and they need to get a recognition from another country. Keywords : secession, referendum, self-determination principle, recognation Abstrak—Penelitian berjudul rencana pemisahan Catalonia dari Spanyol di tinjau dari prinsip self-determination, dengan membahas permasalahan apakah pemisahan diri Catalonia dari Spanyol sesuai dengan prinsip self-determination dalam hukum internasional. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan undang-undang, konsep dan kasus, sehingga diperoleh suatu kesimpulan bahwa Catalonia bisa memisahkan diri dari Spanyol sesuai dengan prinsip self-determination dengan melakukan referendum. Referendum adalah suatu cara masyarakat Catalonia untuk menyampaikan pendapat. Hal ini sesuai dengan prinsip self-determination dalam hukum internasional, karena hak untuk memisahkan diri bisa muncul dalam keadaan khusus, selain dalam konteks dekolonisasi. Ketika suatu bangsa dihalangi haknya oleh pemerintah yang berkuasa dalam menikmati internal self-determination (untuk mendapatkan status politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya), maka sebagai jalan terakhir yang diperbolehkan dalam hukum internasional adalah upaya melepaskan diri dari negara tersebut. Syarat-syarat self-determination dalam kasus Catalonia dengan Spanyol yang ingin memisahkan diri adalah aspek politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya. Setelah itu Catalonia harus sesuai dengan Konvensi Montevideo Tentang Hak dan Tugas Negara Tahun 1933 Pada Pasal 1 yaitu syarat terbentuknya suatu negara, dan terakhir Catalonia harus mendapatkan pengakuan dari sebuah negara. Kata kunci : pemisahan diri, referendum, prinsip self-determination, pengakuan

ICL Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Han Liu

AbstractFor decades, international law has denied the right to secede even if it enshrines self-determination. Existing scholarship explains this contradiction by opposing the right to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity: self-determination itself does not justify a valid claim to the disputed territory. This article, against conventional wisdom, argues that the opposition is superficial. The real problem lies within the notion of self-determination itself. Self-determination contains within it two opposite faces: one breeds separatist movements; the other supports unification and territorial sovereignty. Historically, self-determination grounded both union and separation in the rise of the nation-state; secessionist self-determination only came into play when epochal wars had weakened the sovereignty of the parent state. Conceptually, the ambiguity of self-determination makes defining the ‘self’ a daunting task for the law, especially when both the parent state and the seceding group make national claims.


Author(s):  
Jérémie Gilbert

The issue of sovereignty over natural resources has been a key element in the development of international law, notably leading to the emergence of the principle of States’ permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. However, concomitant to this focus on States’ sovereignty, international human rights law proclaims the right of peoples to self-determination over their natural resources. This has led to a complex and ambivalent relationship between the principle of States’ sovereignty over natural resources and peoples’ rights to natural resources. This chapter analyses this conflicting relationship and examines the emergence of the right of peoples to freely dispose of their natural resources and evaluates its potential role in contemporary advocacy. It notably explores how indigenous peoples have called for the revival of their right to sovereignty over natural resources, and how the global peasants’ movement has pushed for the recognition of the concept of food sovereignty.


ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-105
Author(s):  
Markku Suksi

Abstract New Caledonia is a colonial territory of France. Since the adoption of the Nouméa Accord in 1998, a period of transition towards the exercise of self-determination has been going on. New Caledonia is currently a strong autonomy, well entrenched in the legal order of France from 1999 on. The legislative powers have been distributed between the Congress of New Caledonia and the Parliament of France on the basis of a double enumeration of legislative powers, an arrangement that has given New Caledonia control over many material fields of self-determination. At the same time as this autonomy has been well embedded in the constitutional fabric of France. The Nouméa Accord was constitutionalized in the provisions of the Constitution of France and also in an Institutional Act. This normative framework created a multi-layered electorate that has presented several challenges to the autonomy arrangement and the procedure of self-determination, but the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Committee have resolved the issues regarding the right to vote in manners that take into account the local circumstances and the fact that the aim of the legislation is to facilitate the self-determination of the colonized people, the indigenous Kanak people. The self-determination process consists potentially of a series of referendums, the first of which was held in 2018 and the second one in 2020. In both referendums, those entitled to vote returned a No-vote to the question of ‘Do you want New Caledonia to attain full sovereignty and become independent?’ A third referendum is to be expected before October 2022, and if that one also results in a no to independence, a further process of negotiations starts, with the potential of a fourth referendum that will decide the mode of self-determination New Caledonia will opt for, independence or autonomy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-26
Author(s):  
Johannes Socher

As a concept of international law, the right to self-determination is widely renowned for its unclarity. Broadly speaking, one can differentiate between a liberal and a nationalist tradition. In modern international law, the balance between these two opposing traditions is sought in an attempt to contain or ‘domesticate’ the nationalist conception by limiting it to ‘abnormal’ situations, i.e. to colonialism in the sense of ‘alien subjugation, domination and exploitation’. Essentially, this distinction between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ situations has since been the heart of the matter in the legal discourse on the right to self-determination, with the important qualification regarding the need to preserve existing borders. This study situates Russia’s approach to the right to self- determination in that discourse by way of a regional comparison vis-à-vis a ‘western’ or European perspective, and a temporal comparison with the former Soviet doctrine of international law. Against the background of the Soviet Union’s role in the evolution of the right to self-determination, the bulk of the study analyses Russia’s relevant state practice in the post-Soviet space through the prisms of sovereignty, secession, and annexation. Complemented by a review of the Russian scholarship on the topic, it is suggested that Russia’s approach to the right to self-determination may be best understood not only in terms of power politics disguised as legal rhetoric, but can be seen as evidence of traits of a regional (re-)fragmentation of international law.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-45
Author(s):  
Milena Ingelevič-Citak

Abstract The article presents the Crimean conflict from Russian and Ukrainian standpoints, confronting them with international law analysis. It is worth to mention, that Crimean crisis is still extremely controversial, since both parties are justifying their actions with norms of international law. This article starts with brief introduction of historical background of the Crimean crisis. Second chapter assesses the Crimean secessionist movement claiming the right of self-determination, and its compliance with Ukrainian law. Third chapter examines Russia’s position and its actions on the basis of Russian law. Fourth chapter presents the international law analysis of events in Crimea and its current legal status. Results of the analysis are presented in a conclusion.


2012 ◽  
pp. 42-67
Author(s):  
Luigi Balestra ◽  
Riccardo Campione

The essay analyzes the development of the right of self-determination in medical treatments and the changes it has had on the relationship between doctor and patient. In this perspective, the paper aims, in particular, to verify the limits of the self-determination principle in cases of refusal of life-saving treatment and in the hypothesis of advance directives. It also analyzes the possibility of providing compensation for damages in case the right to self-determination is undermined.


Author(s):  
Marishet Mohammed Hamza

Abstract The right to self-determination is an essential international law principle that holds an erga omnes character. Also, the right is often enshrined under domestic legislation, including constitutions. The 1995 Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution (fdre Constitution) is one such constitution and, uniquely, it explicitly recognizes the right to self-determination including the right of secession as an unconditional right of the nations, nationalities, and peoples in Ethiopia. This paper selects the fdre Constitution and analyses whether such constitutional law frameworks better address some of the contentious matters concerning the right to self-determination under international law. In a comparative perspective (with international law), the article analyses, inter alia, how the fdre Constitution approach the questions of who the subjects of the right to self-determination are, and the substantive guarantees for exercising internal and external aspects of the right to self-determination with particular emphasis on secession as a legal right.


Author(s):  
Muhamad Sayuti Hassan ◽  
Rohaida Nordin

The main objective of this article is to critically evaluate the compatibility of the ‘right to political participation’ of the Orang Asli by looking at international law standards. The present study utilises a qualitative socio-legal approach, which analyses the political participation of the Orang Asli under Malaysian law and determines whether the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (apa) can provide for the protection, well-being, and the advancement of the Orang Asli. Arguably, the existing provisions of the apa are not in conformity with the recognition in undrip and in no way guarantee the Orang Asli’s right to self-determination as recognised by international law. Thus, the current study recommends an amendment to the apa and introduces guidelines to empower political participation of the Orang Asli by incorporating the principles of undrip. The amendment is necessary to ensure that the protection of the right to self-determination of the Orang Asli is compatible with international law standards.


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