Political Participation of Aboriginal People (Orang Asli) in Peninsular Malaysia: Examining the Compatibility of the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 with Undrip Standards

Author(s):  
Muhamad Sayuti Hassan ◽  
Rohaida Nordin

The main objective of this article is to critically evaluate the compatibility of the ‘right to political participation’ of the Orang Asli by looking at international law standards. The present study utilises a qualitative socio-legal approach, which analyses the political participation of the Orang Asli under Malaysian law and determines whether the Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (apa) can provide for the protection, well-being, and the advancement of the Orang Asli. Arguably, the existing provisions of the apa are not in conformity with the recognition in undrip and in no way guarantee the Orang Asli’s right to self-determination as recognised by international law. Thus, the current study recommends an amendment to the apa and introduces guidelines to empower political participation of the Orang Asli by incorporating the principles of undrip. The amendment is necessary to ensure that the protection of the right to self-determination of the Orang Asli is compatible with international law standards.

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 39-48
Author(s):  
Hashimah Abdul Halim ◽  
Rohaida Nordin

For many years, the indigenous peoples had been experiencing various acts of marginalisation and discrimination. However, to this day, the definitions and rights of the indigenous peoples in certain jurisdictions are still left ambiguous. These rights includes the right to self-determination which, on the surface, is linked to freedom to choose political status and cultural or economical development and can be considered as one of the vital rights for indigenous peoples as it allows the community to decide on various aspects of their lives. Looking beyond that, this concept can be further classified into external and internal self-determination and each country may adopt a different approach to this right. As Greenland has a relatively higher population of indigenous peoples, the laws and regulations on indigenous peoples can be distinct. Therefore, this study examines the availability of self-determination policies and possible issues on it’s implementation in Greenland in comparison to the rights of the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia. By using critical legal analysis, this study provides an insight to the exercise of self-determination rights of the indigenous peoples in other jurisdiction and the relevancy of the same right in Malaysia which can help to identify certain aspects to be improved on in the existing national indigenous peoples’ rights laws.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 143-169
Author(s):  
Rohaida Nordin ◽  
Muhamad Sayuti Hassan@Yahya ◽  
Tun Faez Fikhrie Tun Asrul Saini ◽  
Nurul Elliyana Abdul Jamal ◽  
Siti Zulaikha Zulkifli

Hak berpolitik merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia yang diberikan kepada semua tanpa mengira kaum, umur, jantina, warna kulit ataupun agama. Orang Asal juga tidak terkecuali dari menerima hak ini. Orang Asal di Malaysia terbahagi kepada dua kategori iaitu Orang Asli di Semenanjung Malaysia dan Natif di Sabah dan Sarawak. Persoalannya, sejauhmanakah hak berpolitik ini dinikmati oleh Orang Asal di Malaysia terutamanya dari sudut representasi, mengundi dan pentadbiran? Adakah hak yang diberikan kepada Orang Asal di Malaysia selari dengan peruntukkan undang-undang antarabangsa yang sedia ada? Dengan menggunakan kaedah kajian doktrinal dan perbandingan diantara Malaysia dengan Finland dan Norway, kajian ini mendapati bahawa penyertaan politik Orang Asli adalah lebih rendah berbanding dengan penyertaan politik dikalangan Natif di Sabah dan Sarawak. Secara keseluruhannya, hak berpolitik Orang Asal di Malaysia adalah tidak selari dengan hak berpolitik sepertimana yang diiktiraf oleh undang-undang antarabangsa, mahupun sepertimana di Finland dan Norway. Dapatan kajian ini amat signifikan kerana memberi panduan kepada pembuat dasar dan undang-undang Malaysia dalam mengenalpasti sebarang perubahan yang perlu dilaksanakan bagi menjamin hak berpolitik Orang Asal di Malaysia. ABSTRACT Political rights are one of the basic human rights granted to all regardless of race, age, gender, skin color or religion. Indigenous Peoples are also entitled for this right. Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia are divided into two categories namely Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and Natives in Sabah and Sarawak. The question is, how much is this political right enjoyed by Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia especially in terms of representation, voting and administration? Is the right granted to Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia is compatible to the existing provisions of international law? Using doctrinal and comparative research methods between Malaysia and Finland and Norway, this study found that Orang Asli’s political participation was lower compared to political participation among the Natives in Sabah and Sarawak. As a whole, the political rights of Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia are incompatible with the political rights as recognized by international law, as well as in Finland and Norway. The findings of this study are significant as a guide for Malaysian policy and law makers in identifying any changes that need to be made to safeguard Indigenous Peoples’ political rights in Malaysia. Keywords: Political rights, Indigenous Peoples, Orang Asli, UNDRIP, Malaysia


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Inna Yeung

Choice of profession is a social phenomenon that every person has to face in life. Numerous studies convince us that not only the well-being of a person depends on the chosen work, but also his attitude to himself and life in general, therefore, the right and timely professional choice is very important. Research about factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions in Ukraine shows that self-determination is an important factor in the socialization of young person, and the factors that determine students' career choices become an actual problem of nowadays. The present study involved full-time and part-time students of Institute of Philology and Mass Communications of Open International University of Human Development "Ukraine" in order to examine the factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions (N=189). Diagnostic factors of career self-determination of students studying in the third and fourth year were carried out using the author's questionnaire. Processing of obtained data was carried out using the Excel 2010 program; factorial and comparative analysis were applied. Results of the study showed that initial stage of career self-determination falls down on the third and fourth studying year at the university, when an image of future career and career orientations begin to form. At the same time, the content of career self-determination in this period is contradictory and uncertain, therefore, the implementation of pedagogical support of this process among students is effective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-302
Author(s):  
Ja’far Mohammad Khair Al Sabbagh

States’ boundaries have changed to a large extent over the course of time, in fact, the world has not always been the same as nowadays. In place of archaic forms of social organisation, the universal order has appeared where determinate and inviolable borders play a crucial role in ensuring the stability of states and resisting separatist movements. At the same time, secessionist movements throughout the world continually aim to gain independence from the ‘parent’ state invoking the right to self-determination. In this paper, the researcher will examine whether a part of the population of a state or a sub-unit of that state has a right to secede and create a new state and/or integrate into another. The article consists of a strong theoretical part dealing with statehood, self-determination and secession with a view of the dynamic development of these notions since the rapid birth of many new states as a result of decolonization. Thereafter, the validity of the gathered results will be verified by a comparative analysis of the cases of Kosovo, Crimea and Catalonia with regard to the historical background of these secessionist entities.


Author(s):  
Vladislav V. Gruzdev ◽  
Dmitriy A. Babichev ◽  
Natal'ya A. Babicheva

The article is devoted to the burning problem that arose in 2014 in the Ukraine, in the regions of Lugansk and Donetsk, and that concerns the right of the people of Donbass to self-determination. This problem is not only of a local territorial nature, but it is also one of the most complex debatable problems of international law. Since the right to self-determination contradicts the principle of territorial integrity of the state, the consideration and solution of this issue is the most burning for the whole population living on the territory of the self-proclaimed people's republics of Lugansk and Donetsk. In the article, the authors analyse the concept of "self-determination of the people" and give a generalised characteristic of it, approving that it is the right of every nation to solve the issues of state structure, political status, economic, social and cultural development independently and at its own discretion. The author also examines the historical past of the people of Donbass, where, in terms of the Republic of Donetsk and Krivoy Rog and various documentary historical and legal materials, we come to the conclusion that the population of Donbass has the right to social, economic, cultural, spiritual and other development just as all the recognised countries of the world.


Author(s):  
Albanese Francesca P ◽  
Takkenberg Lex

This chapter focuses on a number of specific rights and entitlements of Palestinian refugees under international law, including the rights to self-determination, return, and compensation, as well as a number of civic, cultural, economic, political, and social rights, relevant because of the protracted nature of Palestinians’ exile and the main vulnerabilities to protection threats, as discussed in Part II. Despite being firmly established in international law, and being reaffirmed multiple times by the United Nations, both the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people, and the right to return and compensation of the refugees, remain unmet. This is largely because of the lack of a solution in accordance with international law. The chapter argues that recognizing other fundamental rights of the Palestinians as refugees, stateless persons, and/or protected persons under international humanitarian law, and above all, as human beings, does not undermine the right to return and rather helps ensure human dignity while a just and lasting solution remains pending. These rights remain an important benchmark for assessing the treatment of Palestinian refugees in the MENA region and beyond, for as long as the more fundamental rights to self-determination, return, restitution, and compensation remain unrealized.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Yuval Shany

In “The Blessing of Departure—Exchange of Populated Territories The Lieberman Plan as an Abstract Exercise in Demographic Transformation,” Prof. Timothy Waters offers a strong endorsement of the right of ethnic majorities within a state to redefine their state's boundaries in ways consistent with the majority's right to self-determination and to opt out of a political union with minority groups, regardless of the latter's' political preferences. Applied to the Israeli context, Waters concludes that parts of the Lieberman Plan—a plan advocating the redrawing of Israel borders, inter alia, in ways which exclude some areas populated by Israeli citizens belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority (Israeli-Arabs)—does not run afoul of international law (although Waters accepts that the Plan might be politically undesirable).This short response challenges two points that are central to Waters’s analysis. First, that the right to self-determination of peoples—in particular, the right to external self-determination (i.e., the right to create independent or other types of polities that express the will of an identifiable “people”)—is subject to temporal or contextual limitations. The right is fully applicable only in exceptional and formative moments in the life of a nation—e.g., during the formation of a new polity or the collapse of an existing political arrangement (which invites the configuration of new political entities in their lieu), and when states systematically fail to respect the basic interest of some of the groups that comprise its populace—i.e., in response to extraordinary situations of groups exclusion or oppression. Second, even if Waters is correct and an ongoing right to self-determination—including, a right to secede from existing states—is available to ethnic groups comprising diverse national societies, the invocation of such a right must necessarily be limited by other positive rules of international law designed to protect group and individual interests. Specifically, Waters’s concept of self-determination as a right of a preliminary nature, that overrides other human rights (which are themselves often characterized as rights of a pre-political nature), is debatable.


Author(s):  
Azer Kagraman Ogly Kagramanov

The subject of this research is the examination of evolution of the idea of self-determination of peoples based on the fundamental works of the Russian and foreign scholars, thinkers of the antiquity and modernity. The author considers the transformations experienced by the principle of self-determination at various historical stages of development; as well as builds a corresponding systems of the development cycles. The conclusion is made that after conception of the idea of self-determination, the colonial powers viewed this concept as ethical, seeing the threat to legitimacy of the established order. Therefore, throughout almost a century, the leading countries refused to include this right into the corresponding international and domestic documents. The main conclusions are as follows: after consolidation of the principle in the Charter of the United Nations, it became the foundation for the emergence of news states and destruction of the colonial world; the principle served as a leitmotif for the development of human rights and international relations, but at the same time became a threat and challenge to the territorial integrity; wars between the countries are replaced with the civil and interethnic conflicts; the world is captured with such phenomena as state nationalism that subsequently grew into extremely radical forms, such as fascism and Nazism; the modern international law actively promotes the two competing principles – territorial integrity and self-determination; in modern world, the right to self-determination is not limited by peoples under the colonial past – there occur new forms of self-determination that threaten the existence of sovereign states. Uncertainty of the status of the newly emerged states formations serves as the source of domestic and international tension, which inevitably leads to intergovernmental clashes and negatively impacts geopolitical situation in separate regions and in the world as a whole.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-215
Author(s):  
Brian-Vincent Ikejiaku

In practice, international law appears to have worked against those principles that accord the people of a State the right to economic self-determination, such as the principle of free choice in economic development. This paper argues that the exercise of the right to economic self- determination (particularly economic development freedom or free economic development) has been hampered, and has not been freely pursued in practice by developing countries, due to hegemonic control, economic exploitation and domination by the ‘powers that be’ within the international system. This research examines those principles of international law that accord the peoples of a State the right to free economic development, both in theory and practice; it also provides insights into legal policy implications and the prospects of international law in this area. This paper utilises the well-being and liberal-economic legal theoretical approaches, and interdisciplinary and critical-analytical perspectives, within the framework of international economic law and development.


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