scholarly journals SECURITY ASPECTS OF COOPERATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE: VISEGRÁD GROUP, BUCHAREST NINE, AND THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE

Author(s):  
Agnieszka ORZELSKA-STACZEK ◽  
◽  
Piotr BAJDA ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251  


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 21-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
György Csomós

Analysis of Leading Cities in Central Europe: Control of Regional EconomyNowadays, one of the characteristic orientations in social science studies focusing on cities is the ranking of cities, as well as the definition of the world's leading cities (world cities, global cities) on the basis of various criteria. Central European countries are given just a minor role in these researches, particularly in comparison with German cities with their considerable economic performance. This analysis compares the large cities of Austria, Germany and the countries of the Visegrád Group in terms of their role in economic leadership. To this end, the characteristic parameters have been examined: the GDP in purchasing power standards and nominal GDP of the cities, the revenues of large companies found in these cities, as well as the domestic market capitalization of the stock exchanges.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Josef Smolík

The article deals with the description of football hooligans in the countries of Visegrad Group (Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary). Text describes history of this phenomenon in the central Europe in the context of European Football Championships of 2012 and 2016. Particular hooligans’ groups, the basic characteristics, relations and manifestations of these groups are briefly presented. In the final part there are outlined particular actors participating in tackling with football hooligans, including legislative procedures stemming from European Convention. In the conclusion itself there is discussed also police’ cooperation during big football championships.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-26
Author(s):  
Ondrej Beňuš ◽  
Marián Kováčik ◽  
Eva Žuffová

Abstract This article is devoted to analysis of selected poverty indicators as measured by EU-Statistics on income and living conditions. Our orientation on these indicators underlines our focus on quantitative measurement. Spatial orientation was selected as the area of the Visegrad group countries serving as a research base for our investigation of poverty differences in the Central Europe. Further research is dedicated to Slovakia and its regions. In this article we aim to identify those quantitative poverty indicators that are responsible for poverty status of the most affected social group of people in the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (56) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Tomasz Łukaszuk

The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 9-28
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Ušiak ◽  

Central Europe has always been an integral part of all processes on the European continent. Nowadays, more than 30 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Central Europe has broad opportunities for cooperation in all areas and is fully integrated into various regional and international organisations. Using qualitative methods—analysis and comparison with combination with the theory of social constructivism—help us understand the social phenomena of cooperation among states. Based on social constructivism theory, our article elaborates on the factors of cooperation between individual states, focusing on the cooperation of the Visegrad Four (V4) countries in Central Europe. We examine the factors leading to the establishment of V4 cooperation, its form, and specific features related to the European Regional Security Complex, as well as future challenges.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-115
Author(s):  
Karolina Gawron-Tabor

Since January 2017, when Donald Trump assumed the post of US president, there has been a visible intensification of relations between the United States and the countries from Central Europe, aimed at, for example, counteracting challenges and threats faced by the allies. The objective of the article is to analyze challenges and threats to Central Europe, identified by Donald Trump. He points to the necessity: 1) to strengthen NATO and increase the engagement of European allies; 2) to ensure energy security; 3) to counteract threats from two superpowers – Russia and China. The text addresses how important the challenges and threats identified by the American president have been for individual Visegrad states. The article begins by presenting characteristic features of the foreign policy conducted by Donald Trump’s administration which influence relations between the US and the Visegrad countries. It then analyzes the relations between the US and individual states regarding the previously presented challenges and threats. The article’s thesis is that Poland is the only Visegrad country to perceive all three challenges and threats in a way similar to the US, and thus cooperates with the US in this matter. The work is a comparative analysis based on content and narrative analysis.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 172-178
Author(s):  
Martin Hudec

Financial institutions perform an important role as financial intermediaries in the financial market of the Visegrad group of four countries. These institutions ensure the smooth transfer and redistribution of funds from the various economic players with surplus savings to those who need freely obtainable funds through loans. This transfer and redistribution essentially accelerates the convergence of the four countries economics, through creating consumer debt closer to that of the developed and competitive western economies. The purpose of this paper is to research available statistics to evaluate and compare different aspects, conditions, and development of consumer credits in these four countries in terms of their progress with economic recovery, as a part of convergence after the crisis period, in Central Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Ušiak ◽  
◽  
Dominika Trubenová ◽  

Europe has undergone various security changes in the past and needs to prepare itself for managing the present and future security challenges appearing on the horizon. Within Central Europe, we can see a significant change in its security orientation and a gradual development by continuous involvement in security initiatives such as the current EU-led PESCO. This article aims to show the present Visegrad Group (V4) interest in maintaining an autonomous European security, as well as to analyse the current possibilities and security capabilities of Central European countries. The V4 countries are an important part of NATO and the European Union, even though they are small to medium-sized countries with limited security capabilities. Participation in the creation of collective security under NATO has a stable, several-year position in the countries, but the European Union is on the rise in its security agenda, and that is assumed by the V4 countries with its participation in EU initiatives such as PESCO and the integrated involvement of the V4 in ongoing military projects.


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