scholarly journals La emergencia de un nuevo modelo de paternidad en Argentina (1950-1975) / The Emergence of a New Model of Fatherhood in Argentina (1950-1975)

2009 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabella Cosse

En este artículo se estudia el surgimiento de un nuevo modelo de paternidad en Argentina entre 1950 y 1975. Conforme a éste los padres deberían desempeñar un papel más activo en los cuidados de los hijos y mantener con ellos una relación afectiva más próxima, coloquial y fluida. A partir de distintas fuentes, como manuales de puericultura, revistas (femeninas, de actualidad y sobre la crianza de los hijos), comedias familiares radiales y televisivas, y materiales de archivo, se analizan dos dimensiones del proceso. Por un lado, se observa cómo la articulación del paradigma de crianza de corte psicológico y los medios de comunicación favorecieron la diseminación del modelo entre un público creciente y la profundización de su contenido. Por otro, se plantea que el modelo generó dudas y consternación entre los progenitores atentos a las novedades, y que fue grande la brecha entre el modelo y las prácticas cotidianas. AbstractThis article studies the emergence of a new model of fatherhood in Argentina between 1950 and 1975. In keeping with this model, fathers should play a more active role in raising their children and maintain a closer, more colloquial and fluid relationship with them. Two aspects of the process are analyzed on the basis of various sources, such as child-raising manuals, women’s, news and child-raising magazines, family radio and TV comedies and archive materials. On the one hand, the author observes how the psychological paradigm of child-raising and the media encouraged the dissemination of the model among a growing public, and the consolidation of its contents. On the other, it is suggested that the model created doubts and consternation among parents and that there was a large gap between the model and everyday practices.

Comunicar ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 10 (20) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Rafael Bisquerra-Alzina ◽  
Gemma Filella-Guiu

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationships between emotional education and the media from two different points of view. On the one hand, the emotional dimension of the media and their implication in education. On the other hand, the media as a El objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre el binomio «educación emocional y medios de comunicación» desde dos puntos de vista. Por un lado, la dimensión emocional de los medios de comunicación y su implicación en la acción educativa y, por otro, los medios de comunicación como transmisores de educación emocional. Los autores finalizan presentando un conjunto de programas de educación emocional.


Comunicar ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (30) ◽  
pp. 107-112
Author(s):  
Manuel Javier Callejo-Gallego

The objective of the article is to show the possibility that the monitoring of the presence of the social groups in the mass media of public ownership has, because of the lack of development of the Right of Access. A minimum empirical approximation to such presence highlights two aspects. On the one hand, the scarce presence of the social groups and, therefore, of the civil society, in the media. On the other hand, some essential methodological decisions that should be previously taken. El objetivo del artículo es mostrar la posibilidad que tiene el seguimiento de la presencia de los grupos sociales en los medios de comunicación de titularidad pública, ante la falta de desarrollo del derecho de acceso. Una mínima aproximación empírica a tal presencia pone de relieve dos cuestiones. Por un lado, la escasa presencia de los grupos sociales y, por lo tanto, de la sociedad civil, en los medios. Por otro lado, algunas decisiones metodológicas esenciales que debieran resolverse de manera previa.


Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.


Popular Music ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Christianen

With the publication of the article ‘Cycles in symbol production’ (Peterson and Berger 1975) a discussion started concerning the advantages and disadvantages of the production of cultural goods under market conditions. The analysis by Peterson and Berger showed a negative correlation between concentration in the recording industry, on the one hand, and the diversity and innovativeness of the music, on the other. Repetition of the analysis using data from the 1980s (Burnett 1990; Lopes 1992) has shown that for this period Peterson and Berger's hypotheses should be rejected. Is there a connection between concentration and diversity and innovation? Are there cycles in symbol production? There seems to be no conclusive answer. In this article, I will attempt to clear up this matter. First, I will repeat the analysis of the relation between concentration and diversity/innovation, using the same model as Peterson and Berger, but with different definitions for the variables concentration, diversity and innovation. Then I will suggest a new model, which can be helpful in uncovering other factors influencing diversity and innovation in the music industry. I will come to that later. Let me first give the reader a brief overview of previous research.


Politik ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Jacobsen ◽  
Jeppe Strandsbjerg

By signing the Ilulissat Declaration of May 2008, the five littoral states of the Arctic Ocean pre-emptively desecuritized potential geopolitical controversies in the Arctic Ocean by confirming that international law and geo-science are the defining factors underlying the future delimitation. This happened in response to a rising securitization discourse fueled by commentators and the media in the wake of the 2007 Russian flag planting on the geographical North Pole seabed, which also triggered harder interstate rhetoric and dramatic headlines. This case, however, challenges some established conventions within securitization theory. It was state elites that initiated desecuritization and they did so by shifting issues in danger of being securitized from security to other techniques of government. Contrary to the democratic ethos of the theory, these shifts do not necessarily represent more democratic procedures. Instead, each of these techniques are populated by their own experts and technocrats operating according to logics of right (law) and accuracy (science). While shifting techniques of government might diminish the danger of securitized relations between states, the shift generates a displacement of controversy. Within international law we have seen controversy over its ontological foundations and within science we have seen controversy over standards of science. Each of these are amplified and take a particularly political significance when an issue is securitized via relocation to another technique. While the Ilulissat Declaration has been successful in minimizing the horizontal conflict potential between states it has simultaneously given way for vertical disputes between the signatory states on the one hand and the Indigenous peoples of the Arctic on the other.


Author(s):  
Jerry Eades

This chapter examines the relationship between the Internet and sex tourism. It argues that interest in sex tourism in the media erupted in the early 1990s, about the same time that the Internet itself was becoming popular. The relationship between the two was both positive and negative. On the one hand, the Internet has allowed members of sexual subcultures to contact each other and for new forms of sex tourism to be marketed. On the other hand, the Internet also provided a platform for those opposed to sex tourism to raise the profile of the issue, in the process conflating images of sex tourism with those of Internet pornography, pedophilia, and child abuse, particularly in relation to tourism destinations in the Southeast Asian region. It has therefore aided the amplification of moral panics surrounding these issues. This sensational coverage has, however, tended to overshadow other forms of sex tourism, including those in which consenting adults meet together in resorts of clubs for recreational sex with each other. Thus, while the Internet has created moral panics and led to crackdowns in certain sections of the sex tourism market, it has allowed other alternative lifestyles to flourish on an unprecedented scale in an increasingly liberalized environment.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

Political communication is becoming increasingly mediatized. Mediatization refers both to a gradual increase in the role of the media in political communication and the spillover effects that this increase has had on the way politics takes place and is organized and relatedly, the performance of political leadership. Of particular importance for political leadership styles is the surge of drama politics, the fragmentation of political communication and the active role of citizens in political communication. Chapter 9’s typology of democratic political leadership performance lays the ground for an analysis of how paternalist, populist, engaged, and interactive political leadership styles are affected by the increased mediatization. The analysis suggests that an interactive political leadership style is more viable than the other three political leadership styles to patterns of mediatization in the age of governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-198
Author(s):  
Yann Giraud

Historians of economics rarely consider textbooks as more than passive receptacles of previously validated knowledge. Therefore, their active role in shaping the discipline and its image is seldom addressed. In this paper, I study the making of Paul Samuelson’s successive editions of Economics from 1967 to 1973 as an instance of how textbooks stand at the crossroads between disciplinary knowledge, pedagogy, and larger political and societal concerns. In the mid-1960s, Economics, now at its sixth edition, was at the height of its success. Considered one cornerstone of modern economics, it was also at the center of a number of criticisms dealing with the current state of the economic discipline and its teaching in the universities. While the profession expressed its concern over the lack of relevance of economics to address the pressing issues of the day and pleaded for a new “problem-solving” approach to economic education, the late 1960s witnessed the emergence of a new generation of “radical” economists criticizing the economics orthodoxy. Their contention that mainstream theory had neglected the issues of class struggle and capitalist exploitation found a favorable echo among an increasingly politicized population. Using archival materials, I show how Samuelson, helped by his editorial team at McGraw-Hill, attempted to take into account these changes in order to ensure the continuing success of subsequent editions of his text in an increasingly competitive market. This study emphasizes Samuelson’s ambiguous attitude toward his contenders, revealing, on the one hand, his apparent openness to discussion and outsiders’ suggestions, and, on the other hand, his firm attachment to mildly liberal politics and aversion to Marxism, unchanged through revisions. It also helps refine a notion that is often invoked but never fully expounded in textbook studies: that of the audience.


Author(s):  
Matthew Gibson

This chapter outlines how the different representations for social work practice provide conflicting sets of standards, ideals and goals for social work organisations. Some ‘institutional logics’ are imposed on social work services by politicians and through the media, which set the boundaries for public praise and shame for an organisation, thereby directing and shaping its identity. Within this context, this chapter introduces the idea of organisational emotional safety, in which organisations are constructed to avoid organisational shaming and rejection, on the one hand, and attract pride and acceptance, on the other. In an attempt to manage its image and reputation, organisational leaders engage in this form of emotion work to create and maintain a consistent set of organisational actions which ensures that it is safe from episodic shaming, while evoking pride within the organisation and acceptance without. A case example is provided to illustrate this argument that pride and shame are strategically used to create ‘appropriate’ organisations as defined by those with the power of definition.


Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”


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