scholarly journals Marking Ends of Sentences in Middle of the 17th centuryʼs Church Slavonic Text

Author(s):  
Natalia Nikolenkova ◽  

The article deals with the punctuation of Church Slavonic texts in the mid-17th century and the process of forming a sentence as a unit of written text that begins at this time. First of all, it is shown that the rules for the marking sentence boundary are described in the Grammar of 1648: this is the use of the dot sign and the use of a capital letter after it. Examining the translation of Blau’s Atlas made in the second half of the 50s in Moscow, we find that both the translators and the scribes of the whitewash copies sought to comply with these new norms. The result of the activity of the scribes influenced the punctuation of Church Slavonic printed books of the second half of the 17th century.

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony Lévy

This article analyzes new material on the history of the amicable numbers. It discusses Hebrew texts which throw new light on the diffusion in Medieval Europe of Ṯābit ibn Qurra's (9th century) work. We find Ṯābit's theorem on amicable numbers in a Hebrew translation, made in Saragossa in 1395, of an arithmetical commentary written by Abū al-Ṣalt al-Andalusī (ca. 1068–1134), and also in an original Hebrew text probably written by the Jewish Provençal scholar Qalonymos ben Qalonymos (1287 – after 1329). These texts lend strong support to the surmise that the Arabic tradition concerning amicable numbers could not have remained unknown to European mathematicians before the work of Descartes and Fermat in the 17th century.


Slovene ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Alexander V. Lavrentyev

The paper concerns to the so-called “Muscovy crown” (“corona moscoviae”) of Polish kings that existed in the 17th century. This insignia emerged in Rzeczpospolita during the Russian Time of Troubles, having until then belonged to the Tsar's treasury in Moscow Kremlin. The adherents of False Dmitry I took it in 1606, upon which it turned up in possession of King Sigismund III and his heirs. It appears that the “Muscovy crown” was made in England for Tsar Ivan the Terrible as a symbol of the Astrakhan Khanate, which had been annexed by the Russian State in 1556. Contemporary evidence from various sources, including diplomatic ones, points to the possibility of the crown being delivered as a token of strengthening trade relations between Moscow and London, where the Moscow company was functioning in this period. The crown was not taken as a gift, it was bought for a large sum. The article includes a detailed survey of English, Polish and Russian sources, both primary and indirect, while looking into the mode of use of such insignia at the court of Russian Tsars and grand princes. The article also mentions, together with Monomach's cap and Kazan cap, both of which are now kept in the Moscow Kremlin, the now-lost first Siberian and Astrakhan caps, the latter of which is identified with the object of study. The crown is also compared to the Eastern and Western jewelry traditions of the time. The article is prefaced with a brief narration of the circumstances in which the insignia had got the name it was since called in Polish historical writings. The author concludes with a hypothesis on why this crown and other similar to it were commissioned from foreign jewelers. This question, however, demands further research, as does the character of the insignia's use at the court of Polish kings.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Cornelis S. M. Rademaker

Summary Gerardus Joannes Vossius (1577–1649) published his De arte grammatica libri septem in 1635. From the second edition in 1662 the work became known as Vossius’s Aristarchus. This important Latin grammar of Vossius, and also his other publications devoted to Latin, have their particular place in the evolution of grammatical studies in the 17th century. Vossius’s works were used in the first place because in them he had given a complete survey and systematization of all the scholarly information concerning Latin existing up to his own days. Neoscholastic Aristotelism was the philosophical basis of his treatment with Latin language and grammar. However, we find at the same time in Vossius’s work sometimes hints at a new approach to the study of Latin grammar. He followed in many respects the new directions pointed out by men like Scaliger and Sanctius. Thus, on the one hand, Vossius stood in the Humanist tradition of his day while, on the other, his work could be used profitably also by the Port-Royal grammarians and other philologist of the late 17th and 18th centuries. Following an appraisal of Vossius’s place in the Humanist tradition and of the contribution he made in his Aristarchus, the paper deals at some length with the analogy principle as used by Vossius and his successors. It concludes with sections on the evolution of grammatical ideas in the 17th and early 18th centuries marked especially by the tradition associated with the works of Sanctius, Vossius, and Port-Royal.


Geoadria ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Dubravka Mlinarić ◽  
Josip Faričić ◽  
Lena Mirošević

This paper deals with the first integral map of Croatian historical regions, which was made in the second half of the 17th century. The manuscript version of the map was drawn for the purposes of the Papal Illyrian (Croatian) Congregation of St. Jerome in Rome by Pietro Andrea Buffalini in 1663. The map was later printed, with appropriate changes, under the title Illyricum hodiernum in Ivan Lučić's historiographic work De Regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae, and in Willem Blaeu's Atlas Maior sive Geographia Blaviana in 1668. Judging from the contents of these versions of the map, and the political circumstances in which they emerged, the Croatian polyhistor and cartographer Ivan Lučić contributed the most to the formation of their contents. As an outstanding expert on the history and geography of Croatia, Lučić translated his own cartographic imaginarium into a cartographic synthesis in the form of an overview map that emerged based both on a compilation of the contents of older maps, and on his personal research. In this map his primary intent was to show, in the spirit of Illyrianism linked to the Catholic Reformation, the area which during that period constituted Illyria, or rather Croatia, and also to make use of the potential that maps, as codified depictions of geographic reality, have when it is necessary to present spatial relations in the context of a historical-geographic review of the development of Croatia.


Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Wagner

The article is a response to the extensive review by Maria Cubrzyńska-Leonarczyk concerning the first Polish monograph of superexlibris from the Middle Ages to the half of the 17th century, which I published in 2016. Primarily, it contains rectifications of numerous concealments and mistakes that the Reviewer has made in her article. According to the author of the response to the review many of them are the consequence of a doctrinaire and anachronistic interpretation of the notion of superexlibris, which origins from the opinions of Kazimierz Piekarski (1920s – 1930s). Moreover, the author points out a range of interesting and inspiring remarks and discoveries of the Reviewer.


Author(s):  
Marvin Carlson

‘Theatre and drama’ considers the source and status of the material performed on stage, whether it originates as a written text or not. Improvisation is seen in many cultures and is recorded in China and the Middle East centuries before any written dramatic texts are found. Community theatre based on improvisation and audience participation remains popular in the non-Western world where oral traditions are strong. The wider publication of dramatic texts from the 17th century and the strict regulation of their performance played a significant role in Western theatre development. Drama and theatre, as studied at university, and the impact of postdramatic theatre, as described by Hans‐Thies Lehmann, are also discussed.


1988 ◽  
Vol 98 ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Turaj

Amateur astronomy in Poland has its own history dating from the 17th century to the present day. Before the 17th century, the term “amateur astronomer” loses its meaning. Otherwise we might pose the rather paradoxical question: “Was Copernicus an amateur?” and probably have to give the answer: “Yes, he was an amateur, being first a priest, a physician and a lawyer.” Let us leave him in peace and instead turn to more undoubted amateurs. The history can be divided into two general periods: before and after the creation of the Polish Amateur Astronomical Society, PA AS (Polskie Towarzystwo Milosników Astronomii – PTMA). Here we present 16 Polish amateur astronomers who contributed to astronomy from the 17th to the 20th centuries, except Jan Heweliusz – the greatest – who is discussed elsewhere (1). All are selected from a much larger group, the selection being made in accordance with the rules described in the very useful and practical “Criteria for identifying an astronomer as an amateur”, formulated by Tom Williams a few years ago and presented here (2). There is also a short history and current information about the PAAS. Finally, we summarize successes and failures of amateur astronomy in Poland and put some general questions about its future.


Author(s):  
Vinyet Panyella

Like all national libraries, the Biblioteca de Catalunya is being affected by change. Founded in 1907, it had a difficult time from the mid-1930s until constitutional government was restored, but received full recognition of its status and role as the national library of Catalonia in 1981; this was reinforced in 1993. It receives Catalan material on legal deposit, is responsible for the Catalan national bibliography and union catalogue, and acquires additional material by purchase, donation and exchange. Its collections, mainly of printed books and music, manuscripts and prints, number over 2 million items and include many rare and valuable documents. It also has an accepted leadership role among Catalan libraries. The changes afoot are mainly in the automation of acquisitions and cataloguing, where the library was a late starter but where much progress has already been made; in the progressive introduction of managerial methods into all procedures; and most conspicuously in a radical rebuilding programme which reflects the revised functions and redesigned procedures. The present medieval building is being reorganized internally to provide better reading and working areas, and previous additions to it are being removed and replaced with larger purpose-built storage areas. Some of the work is now completed, without any disruption to the library's operations, but the whole programme is not due to finish until 1996.


1885 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-113
Author(s):  
Arthur Francis Burridge

Prior to the commencement of the present century, no direct method had been adopted to ascertain the number of the population in England. Various estimates, founded upon Domesday Books, Subsidy Rolls, and payments of Hearth and Poll taxes furnish, with more or less exactness, the numbers at previous periods. Three such calculations relating to the population towards the close of the 17th century are mentioned by Macaulay as being entitled to peculiar attention. “Of these computations one was made in the year 1696 by Gregory King, Lancaster Herald, a political arithmetician of great acuteness and judgment. The basis of his calculations was the number of houses returned in 1690 by the officers who made the last collection of hearth money. The conclusion at which he arrived was that the population of England was nearly five millions and a half. About the same time, King William the Third was desirous to ascertain the comparative strength of the religious sects into which the community was divided. According to the reports laid before him from all the dioceses of the realm, the number of his English subjects must have been about 5,200,000. Lastly, in our own days, Mr. Finlaison, an actuary of eminent still, subjected the parochial registers to all the tests which the modern improvements in statistical science enabled him to apply. His opinion was, that, at the close of the seventeenth century, the population of England was a little under 5,200,000 souls. … We may, therefore, with confidence pronounce that, when James the Second reigned, England contained between five million and five million five hundred thousand inhabitants.”


1988 ◽  
Vol 102 (4) ◽  
pp. 277-288
Author(s):  
E.K. Grootes

AbstractAmong the books in the sale catalogue of Pieter Saeraredam's library (Note I) was a virtually forgotten work on pagan mythology, Hcydensche afgoden, belden, tcmpcls en offerhanden, published in Haarlem in 1646 (Note 2). This rare book crops up again in the 1893 catalogue of Frederik Muller's stock, but the only known example appears to be in the Royal Library in Brussels (Note 3). Among the Dutch sources on the subject, most of which continue the tradition of such Renaissance mythologists as Giraldi, Conti and Cartari, the Haarlem work appears to be the least known and most curious (Note 8). It was published anonymously, bul is dedicated to the author's teacher's, the Haarlem Classicist painters Pieter Fransz. de Grebber (Note 15) and Willem de Poorter. In the dedication the author declares that he felt the lack of descriptions in Dutch of pagan temples, altars and images during his apprenticeship and delermined to make it good later, despite his failure to become an artist. The book was inlended for 'Painters, Poets and others'. It consists of two volumes. The first sections are devoled to pagan religion in general, to the idols mentioned in the Old Testament and to each of the antique gods individually. The second, divided up into countries, offers a kind of information that is rather unusual in the 17th century. Not much is known about the pupils of the two painters mentioned (Notes 10, 11), but among the names we do have (certainly not a complete list) that of Pieter Casteleyn is of unusual interest. He certainly did not become a painter, for in 1645, lert years after the beginning of his apprenticeship to De Poorter, he is recorded as apprenticed to his father Vincent, a well-known Haarlem printer, who in fact printed Heydensche afgoden. Pieter Casteleyn became a member of the Haarlem booksellers' guild in 1649 and from 1650 onwards he was to puhlish the famous Hollandsche Mercurius. In 1649 he printed Pieter de Grebber's 'rules of art', possibly as his masterpiece (Note 14). He may have found some consolation for his failure as an artist in the publication of notes on the gods, which would certainly have been of interest to his teachers, and there would have been time enough to gather the material between 1635 and 1646. He belonged to a relatively well-to-do Mennonite milieu, there is evidence to suggest that he and his brother Vincent probably attended the Latin School and the inventory of his estate made in 1676 included no fewer than 43 paintings, mythological scenes among them (Note 19), none of which contrardicts the hypothesis. If Pieter Casteleyn was indeed the author of the book, there would be some excuse for its weakness, as a youthful work by someone who had not yet found his metier. The book is a mishmash of arbitrary information presented in a totally uncritical and often muddle-headed manner. Casteleyn took over much from the 1581 Frenh edition of Cartari, with the great difference that he was not interested in the meaning, but only in the externals of the images he describes. In the case of Fortuna, f or example, Casteleyn gives a completely arbitrary list of attributes, possibly taken from the illustrations in Cartari (Fig. I), including that of Nemesis (Fig. 2), whose 'measure' he may have wrongly construed as the 'telescope' he so strangely refers to. The illustrations in the book, ten small and rathe primitive woodcuts, are not related to those in the French edition of Cartari. Indeed, in the case of that of Janus (Fig.3), it seems that the artist did not know Cartari's illustration (Fig. 4), since the rod shown there has been transformed, through a linguistic mistake, into a bundle of twigs. As, for the other illustrations (Figs. 5-10), some are of subjects not illustrated in Cartari, while the last one is a rendering in reverse of the illustration of the 'Abgott Jodute' in the Sächsisch Chronicon of 1596 (Note 24). In the title-page print (Fig. 11 ), on the other hand, which may be by Casteleyn himself, the statue of Mercury in the left foreground is a direct borrowing from Carlari (Fig. 12). Whether the Heydenschc afgoden was of any practical use to artists or had any influence on Dutch art seems doubtful, but it did have ils roots in the artistic milieu in Haarlem and as such it remains a highly curious phenomenon.


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